Frequently Asked Questions from Non-Intersexed People

Do intersexed people really exist?

Yes... intersexed people, real hermaphrodites, really do exist! The trouble is that most people are only familiar with the two types of mythological hermaphrodite. Hermaphroditus, the merger of Hermes and Aphrodite into one body is a myth and only a myth. Hermaphroditus gives rise to a myth herself about intersexed people - what I call the Two in One myth. Intersexed people are not "both sexes in one" but are a biological uniqueness of their own form.

The second type of mythological hermaphrodite can be seen in some types of pornography. These people are NOT intersexed people. They are women with carefully done prostheses who are making pornography. Some people also seem to be identifying themselves as "intersexed" when perhaps what they mean is "intergendered". Intersex refers to the physical manifestation of genital/genetic/endocrinological differentiation which is different from the cultural norm (refer to the ISNA FAQ for a detailed discussion of biological specifics).

Where are intersexed people?

People who know that intersexed people really do exist may wonder, "If there may be as many as one out of two thousand people affected by some form of intersex condition... where are they all? Why don't we hear of them or see books about their stories?"

The answer is that most intersexed people have a very, very hard time with the personal issues which surround being born intersexed. There is a relatively small group of "out" intersexuals in the world, a number that is steadily growing, but the vast majority of us live with the silence, shame and fear that we learned as children and teens. Other misunderstood minorities have made great strides in being recognized. There are thousands of books written by Gay men and women and even dozens on the subject of transexuality, which is thought to be quite rare in actuality.

The reason may be that most intersexed people have been subjected to very, very powerful family, medical and societal proscriptions about talking about their bodies or medical status. This begins from the very moment of birth for most of us because that is usually when the question is first asked, "Is IT a boy or a girl?" Intersexuals who are subjected to neonatal surgery undergo that early physical trauma and resulting lifelong trauma on many levels. Intersexuals who miss early surgery often grow up alone and confused... and often abused, because of their "in between" status. Surgery as young teens and adults to "correct" their bodies is also traumatic and may not have a satisfactory outcome. It all adds up to one thing: a very strong desire to keep quiet and not tell anyone about being intersexed.

Another factor may be abuse. Some intersexed chidren are abused by peers and family due to their intersexuality. But there is also a sort of institutionalized abuse which takes its toll. The constant dehumanizing exams, case studies, etc. are painful, humiliating and upsetting for a child or young teenager. The result is a desire to never have to talk or deal with the subject ever again.

What term do intersexed people prefer for themselves?

It varies from person to person. You will certainly never offend anyone with the terms intersexed and intersexual. Unfortunately those terms seem to be becoming more prevalent amongst people who are not intersexed, so there is the possibility of confusion. Some people are using what I used to call the "H" word. I never used the term because it symbolized my oppression as a research subject utilized for medical experimentation. I also objected to its mythological origins. We are not creatures from myth or Ovid. Other intersexed people are comfortable calling themselves hermaphrodites. Perhaps the use of the word will help de-mythologize it.

Street terms like "morph" and "morphodite" will not be well received.

What is the difference between "true" and "pseudo" hermaphrodites?

People known in the medical literature as true hermaphrodites have a mixed gonadal structure, ovo-testis, or sometimes one ovary and one testis. Pseudo- hermaphrodites constitute everyone else. As far as intersexuality itself goes... the separation is arbitrary and of academic interest only. Gonadal cellular structure is but one aspect of human biology which affects sex and sexual identity. Early medical writers could have chosen some other form of intersex and labeled it as "true hermaphroditism", such as Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome, but they didn't. The origin of this division is probably more properly in the realm of the social sciences as applied to the medical culture of the time.

What are herms, merms and ferms?

These terms were used by Anne Fausto-Sterling in her 1993 article in _The Sciences_ "The Five Sexes: Why Male and Female are not enough". Herm refers to "true hermaphrodite"; a merm would be a person born intersexed whose karyotype was XY and a ferm is an XX intersexed person. These delineations serve to educate people that sex is not a bipolar dichotomy, but they do not really classify intersexed people themselves in any meaningful way.




What are the other forms of intersexuality?

  • Progestin-induced androgenization

    Caused by prenatal exposure to exogenous androgens, most commonly progestin. Progestin is a drug which was administered to prevent miscarriage in the 50's and 60's and it is converted to an androgen (virilizing hormone) by the prenatal XX persons metabolism. If the timing is right, the genital anlagen is virilized with effects ranging from enlarged clitoris to the development of a complete phallus and the fusing of the labia. The virilization only occurs prenatally and the endocrinological functionality is unchanged, ie. feminizing puberty occurs due to normally functioning ovaries.

    In other words, XX people affected in-utero by virilizing hormones can be born into a continuum of sex phenotype which ranges from "normal female with large clitoris" to "normal male with no testes". It is noteworthy that the use of progestin is not effective in the prevention of miscarriage.

  • Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia

    Caused when an anomaly of adrenal function (21-hydroxylase or 11-hydroxylase deficiency) causes the synthesis and excretion an androgen precursor, initiating virilization of a XX person in-utero. Because the virilization originates metabolically, masculinizing effects continue after birth. As in PIA, sex phenotype varies along the same continuum, with the possible added complication of metabolic problems which upset serum sodium balance. The metabolic effects of CAH can be counteracted with cortisone. The scenario for medical intervention for intersex is similar... but CAH people have an increased likelihood of early detection due to metabolic imbalances (Salt Losing Form).

  • Androgen Insensitivity/Partial Insensitivity Syndrome

    In AIS/PAIS the cellular metabolism of an XY person is such that the cells do not respond to the effects of androgens. Endocrinological function is normal... but the cells ability to bind androgens, due to compromised receptor site metabolism, causes a partial or complete lack of response to virilization. PAIS produces effects similar to CAH or PIA in a neonate... genital ambiguity. With complete AIS a neonate shows no indication that they are intersexed as the external genitalia are completely phenotypically female. Internal female structures do not develop however because Mullerian Inhibiting Hormone is present and prevents the formation of a female genital tract (oviducts, cervix, uterus, part of the vagina).

    Another form of AIS is present in individuals with 5-alpha reductase deficieny. During the formation of the male genital tract from the Wolffian duct portion of the genital anlagen, the target tissues are not repondent to testosterone, another form, hydrotestosterone is required at this stage. The required enzyme, 5-alpha reductase, is missing so these people may be assigned and reared as girls. However, since pubertal genital tissue is sensitive to the effects of testosterone... such a child could experience masculinizing puberty and genital growth - assuming that their gonads have not been removed.

  • Turner's Syndrome

    Turner's Syndrome children are born with an XO karyotype and, in the absence of gonads, develop without any endocrinological influenceing sexual phenotype. What this means however, is that they are phenotypically female and raised as such.

It is significant that these events... the discovery and "management" of our medical conditions occur as neonates, children or teenagers ie. during puberty. Our say in which physical "sex" we are intended to be ranges from very little to none.

Additional FAQS include:



next: Sexual Development - Glossary of Terms
~ all inside intersexuality articles
~ all articles on gender

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Frequently Asked Questions from Non-Intersexed People, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/frequently-asked-questions-from-non-intersexed-people

Last Updated: March 14, 2016

Intersexuality Frequently Asked Questions Table of Contents

© 2000 Intersex Society of North America
This document is reprinted from the original at
http://www.isna.org/FAQ.html
You may wish to visit this original site if you have further interest in this topic.

Additional FAQS include:


What is intersexuality (hermaphroditism)?

Our culture conceives sex anatomy as a dichotomy: humans come in two sexes, conceived of as so different as to be nearly different species. However, developmental embryology, as well as the existence of intersexuals, proves this to be a cultural construction. Anatomic sex differentiation occurs on a male/female continuum, and there are several dimensions.

Genetic sex, or the organization of the "sex chromosomes," is commonly thought to be isomorphic to some idea of "true sex." However, something like 1/500 of the population have a karyotype other than XX or XY. Since genetic testing was instituted for women in the Olympic Games, a number of women have been disqualified as "not women," after winning. However, none of the disqualified women is a man; all have atypical karyotypes, and one gave birth to a healthy child after having been disqualified.

The sex chromosomes determine the differentiation of the gonads into ovaries, testes, ovo-testes, or nonfunctioning streaks. The hormones produced by the fetal gonads determine the differentiation of the external genitalia into male, female, or intermediate (intersexual) morphology. Genitals develop from a common precursor, and therefore intermediate morphology is common, but the popular idea of "two sets" of genitals (male and female) is not possible. Intersexual genitals may look nearly female, with a large clitoris, or with some degree of posterior labial fusion. They may look nearly male, with a small penis, or with hypospadias. They may be truly "right in the middle," with a phallus that can be considered either a large clitoris or a small penis, with a structure that might be a split, empty scrotum, or outer labia, and with a small vagina that opens into the urethra rather than into the perineum.


What is androgen insensitivity syndrome?

Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome, or AIS, is a genetic condition, inherited (except for occasional spontaneous mutations), occurring in approximately 1 in 20,000 individuals. In an individual with complete AIS, the body's cells are unable to respond to androgen, or "male" hormones. ("Male" hormones is an unfortunate term, since these hormones are ordinarily present and active in both males and females.) Some individuals have partial androgen insensitivity.

In an individual with complete AIS and karyotype 46 XY, testes develop during gestation. The fetal testes produce mullerian inhibiting hormone (MIH) and testosterone. As in typical male fetuses, the MIH causes the fetal mullerian ducts to regress, so the fetus lacks uterus, fallopian tubes, and cervix plus upper part of vagina. However, because cells fail to respond to testosterone, the genitals differentiate in the female, rather than the male pattern, and Wolffian structures (epididymis, vas deferens, and seminal vessicles) are absent.

The newborn AIS infant has genitals of normal female appearance, undescended or partially descended testes, and usually a short vagina with no cervix. Occasionally the vagina is nearly absent. AIS individuals are clearly women. At puberty, the estrogen produced by the testes produces breast growth, though it may be late. She does not menstruate, and is not fertile. Most AIS women have no pubic or underarm hair, but some have sparse hair.

When an AIS girl is diagnosed during infancy, physicians often perform surgery to remove her undescended testes. Although removal of testes is advisable, because of the risk of cancer, ISNA advocates that surgery be offered later, when the girl can choose for herself. Testicular cancer is rare before puberty.

Vaginoplasty surgery is frequently performed on AIS infants or girls to increase the size of the vagina, so that she can engage in penetrative intercourse with a partner with an average size penis. Vaginoplasty surgery is problematic, with many failures. ISNA advocates against vaginal surgery on infants. Such surgery should be offered to, not imposed on, the pubertal girl, and she should have an opportunity to speak with adult AIS women about their sexual experience and about surgery in order to make a fully informed decision. Not all AIS women will choose surgery.

Some women have successfully increased the depth of their vagina with a program of regular pressure dilation, using aids designed for that purpose. Contact the AIS Support Network.

Physicians and parents have been most reluctant to be honest with AIS girls and women about their condition, and this secrecy and stigma has unnecessarily increased the emotional burden of being different.

Because AIS is a genetic defect located on the X chromosome, it runs in families. Except for spontaneous mutations, the mother of an AIS individual is a carrier, and her XY children have a 1/2 chance of having AIS. Her XX children have a 1/2 chance of carrying the AIS gene. Most AIS women should be able to locate other AIS women among siblings or maternal relatives.




Is there a test for androgen insensitivity syndrome?

The answer depends upon exactly what you are looking for--diagnostic information, or carrier status. If were born with female genitals and testes, and have very sparse or absent pubic hair, you most likely have complete AIS. If you were born with ambiguous genitals and testes, there are a number of possible etiologies, including partial AIS.

Testing for partial AIS is more problematic than the complete form. Hormonal tests in a newborn with 46 XY karyotype and ambiguous genitals will show normal to elevated testosterone and LH, and a normal ratio of testosterone to DHT. A family history of ambiguous genitals in maternal relatives suggests partial androgen insensitivity.

If you are wondering if you are a carrier, or if you know that you are a carrier and are wondering about the status of your fetus, genetic testing is possible. AIS has been diagnosed as early as 9-12 weeks gestation by chorionic villus sampling (sampling tissue from the fetal side of the placenta). By the 16th week it can be detected by ultrasound and amniocentesis. However, prenatal diagnosis is not indicated unless there is a family history of AIS.

See the following for details of testing.

Hodgins M. B., Duke E. M., Ring D.: Carrier detection in the testicular feminization syndrome: deficient 5 alpha-dihydrotestosterone binding in cultured skin fibroblasts from the mothers of patients with complete androgen insensitivity. J. Med. Genet. Jun 1984, 21, (3), p178-81.

Batch J. A., Davies H. R., Evans B. A. J., Hughes I. A., Patterson M. N.: Phenotypic variation and detection of carrier status in the partial androgen insensitivity syndrome. Arch. Dis. Childh. 1993; 68: 453-457.


What is partial androgen insensitivity syndrome?

The extent of androgen insensitivity in 46 XY individuals is quite variable, even in a single family. Partial androgen insensitivity typically results in "ambiguous genitalia." The clitoris is large or, alternatively, the penis is small and hypospadic (these are two ways of labeling the same anatomical structure). Partial androgen insensitivity may be quite common, and has been suggested as the cause of infertility in many men whose genitals are of typically male appearance.

Individuals with ambiguous genitals have typically been subjected to "corrective" surgery during infancy. Based on our own painful experiences, ISNA believes that such cosmetic surgery of the genitals is harmful and unethical. Surgery is justified only when it is necessary for the health and well-being of the child. Surgery which is intended to make the genitals appear more male or more female should be offered, but not imposed, only when the child is old enough to make an informed decision for her/himself.


What is Progestin Induced Virilization?

Caused by prenatal exposure to exogenous androgens, most commonly progestin. Progestin is a drug which was administered to prevent miscarriage in the 50's and 60's and it is converted to an androgen (virilizing hormone) by the prenatal XX persons metabolism. If the timing is right, the genitals are virilized with effects ranging from enlarged clitoris to the development of a complete phallus and the fusing of the labia. In all cases ovaries and uterus or uterine tract are present, though in extreme cases of virilization there is no vagina or cervix, the uterine tract being connected to the upper portion of the urethra internally. The virilization only occurs prenatally and the endocrinological functionality is unchanged, ie. feminizing puberty occurs due to normally functioning ovaries.

In other words, XX people affected in-utero by virilizing hormones can be born into a continuum of sex phenotype which ranges from "female with larger clitoris" to "male with no testes". It is noteworthy that the use of progestin is not effective in the prevention of miscarriage.

Progestin androgenized children are subjected to the same surgically enforced standards of cosmetic genital normalcy as other intersexed children... meaning that clitoridectomy and possibly more extensive procedures are often performed early in life, most often with the effect of loss of erotic sensation and ensueing psychological trauma. ISNA believes that this surgery is unneccessary, cosmetic and primarily "cultural" in its significance. It is of no benefit to the child, who suffers even more from the stigma and shame of having been surgically altered than she would have had her non-standard genitals been allowed to remain intact.

Occasionally a female neonate will be so genitally virilized that she is given a male identity at birth and raised as a boy. It is important not to hide the circumstances of her biology from such a child, in order to the avoid shame, stigma and confusion which results from secrecy. After the onset of puberty the child may want to explore the option, hopefully with the aid of loving parents and peer counseling, of having surgery to allow expression of either female or male sexuality. This is not a choice that should be forced prematurely, it is a personal choice to be made by a teenager about his/her body and about her/his choice of sexual identity and sexuality.




What is Adrenal Hyperplasia?

Adrenal Hyperplasia is the most prevalent cause of intersexuality amongst XX people with a frequency of about 1 in 20000 births. It is caused when an anomoly of adrenal function (usually 21-hydroxylase or 11-hydroxylase deficiency) causes the synthesis and excretion an androgen precursor, initiating virilization of a XX person in-utero. Because the virilization originates metabolically, masculinizing effects continue after birth.

As in progestin induced virilization, sex phenotype varies along the same continuum, with the possible added complication of metabolic problems which upset serum sodium balance. The metabolic effects of CAH can be counteracted with cortisone. The scenario for medical intervention for intersex is similar... but CAH people have an increased likelihood of early detection due to metabolic imbalances (Salt Losing Form). The long term use of cortisone itself produces significant dependance and other side effects, all of which need to be explained honestly and openly.


What is Klinefelter syndrome?

Most men inherit a single X chromosome from their mother, and a single Y chromosome from their father. Men with klinefelter syndrome inherit an extra X chromosomes from either father or mother; their karyotype is 47 XXY. Klinefelter is quite common, occuring in 1/500 to 1/1,000 male births.

The effects of klinefelter are quite variable, and many men with klinefelter are never diagnosed. The only characteristic that seems certain to be present is small, very firm testes, and an absence of sperm in the ejaculate, causing infertility. Except for small testes, men with klinefelter are born with normal male genitals. But their testes often produce lower than average quantities of testosterone, so they don't virilize (develop facial and body hair, muscles, deep voice, larger penis and testes) as strongly as other boys at puberty. Many also experience some gynecomastia (breast growth) at puberty.

Physicians recommend that boys with klinefelter be given testosterone at puberty, so that they will virilize in the same way as their peers, and that men with klinefelter continue to take testosterone thoughout their lives, in order to maintain a more masculine appearance and high libido. Many ISNA members, however, report that they do not like the effects of testosterone, and prefer to reduce their dosage, or not to take it at all.

Many ISNA members with klinefelter syndrome are homosexual, a few are transsexual, and nearly all experience their gender as quite different from other men. In contrast, medical literature tends to discount any connection between klinefelter syndrome and homosexuality or gender issues. We suspect that medical reassurances that "your son will not be gay" are based more on homophobia than on an accurate assessment of probabilities. Gay children deserve honesty and parental love and support!


What is hypospadias?

Hypospadias refers to a urethral meatus ("pee-hole") which is located along the underside, rather than at the tip of the penis. In minor, or distal hypospadias, the meatus may be located on the underside of the penis, in the glans. In more pronounced hypospadias, the urethra may be open from mid-shaft out to the glans, or the urethra may even be entirely absent, with the urine exiting the bladder behind the penis.

See Hypospadias: A parent's guide to surgery for a discussion of causes and treatment.


Is there a risk of gonadal tumors?

Dysgenetic testicular tissue (testicular tissue that has developed in an unusual way) is at risk of developing tumors, and not merely because it is undescended. That is, the risk persists even after successful orchiopexy (surgically bringing undescended testes down into scrotal sac).

Ovarian tissue in intersexuals is not generally the cause of intersexuality, is not dysgenetic, and does not appear to be at elevated risk of developing tumors.

Undescended testes in women with AIS are at risk of developing tumors.

There are certain gonadal and adrenal tumors which produce hormones and therefore intersexual expression. However, in this case the tumor causes the intersexuality; the intersexuality does not cause the tumor.

In general, the likelihood of gonadal tumors is small (~5%) before mid-twenties, and increases thereafter, with lifetime probabilities of 30% for partial or complete gonadal dysgenesis, and 10% for 46XY true hermaphroditism.

Gonadal tumors are less likely in cases of sex-reversal (46XX male, 46XX true hermaphrodite).

Testosterone replacement in men with dysgenetic testes may increase the probability of gonadal tumors developing.

To summarize,

Tumors are not likely in the absence of a Y chromosome (or Y genes involved in testicular determination, which may be present on the X chromosome in sex-reversal)

When there is a Y chromosome or Y genes are surmised to be present, the gonads are at elevated risk, and should be carefully monitored. Monitoring is easier to do if the gonads are brought down into the scrotum.

Because the risk is slight before early adulthood, gonadectomy should not be imposed on infants. It should be delayed until the patient can weigh the options and choose for her/himself. Functioning gonads, even partially functioning gonads, are a big advantage over hormone replacement therapy. The patient must be allowed to weigh the risks, talk with other patients about their experiences, and choose what is best for her/himself. Note, though, that it is critical to remove partially functioning testes before puberty from an intersexual who identifies as female and wishes her body not to virilize.

Much of this material (except the paragraph above!) comes from "Wilkins The Diagnosis and Treatment of Endocrine Disorders in Childhood and Adolescence 4th edition," ed Kappy, Blizzard and Migeon, Baltimore: Charles C. Thomas, 1994.




Hormone replacement therapy and osteoporosis

Sex hormones (principally testosterone or estrogen) are necessary to maintain healthy adult bones. Persons born without functioning gonads, or whose gonads have been removed, should be under an endocrinologist's care and should maintain hormone replacement therapy for life.

Many intersexuals, having developed a distrust or aversion for medical people, avoid medical care and drop hormone replacement therapy which was prescribed during puberty. This can result in extreme osteoporosis (brittle bones). Osteoporosis worsens silently, but at advanced stages it can destroy your quality of life. Persons with advanced osteoporosis are vulnerable to frequent bone fractures, especially of the spine, hip, and wrist. These fractures can be caused by a small amount of force, and are extremely painful and debilitating. Each spine fracture may put you flat on your back for one to two months.

If you have been without gonads or hormone replacement therapy for years, it is vital to get a bone density scan performed, to evaluate the condition of your bones (a simple, non-invasive procedure using a specialized x-ray machine), and to seek the advice of an endocrinologist in order to establish a regimen of hormone replacement therapy that works for you. If you have had bad experience in the past with hormones, we encourage you to find an endocrinologist who will work with you to adjust the mix and schedule of hormones until you find what works. If your bone density is low, your endocrinologist will probably recommend calcium supplements and weight-bearing exercise (not swimming!) to maintain density.

If your bone density scan is performed on a DEXA machine, make certain to do any follow-up scans on the same machine, and with the same reader.

A number of drugs currently in the biomedical news may prove useful for rebuilding lost bone density. If your bone density is low, check in with a qualified specialist regularly for the latest information.

The danger of osteoporosis is considerably worse for intersexuals than for post-menopausal women, because the intersexual will be without hormones for many decades. Do not disregard this danger!


Where can I read some of the earliest first person writings of intersexuals?

Personal narratives of intersex people are available in ISNA's newsletter, Hermaphrodites with Attitude, in a special issue of the magazine Chrysalis, and in the video Hermaphrodites Speak!.

Alvarado, Donna. "Intersex," West Magazine section of Sunday San Jose Mercury News, Jul 10, 1994.

Describes the life stories of Cheryl Chase and Morgan Holmes, based on personal interviews. Photos of Holmes. Opinions of intersex specialists Grumbach of UCSF and Gearhart of Hopkins (surgery is necessary to prevent parents from treating child as an outcast) are contrasted with personal experience of Chase and Holmes (surgery experienced as mutilation, causing sexual dysfunction). Anne Fausto-Sterling criticizes intersex specialists as unwilling to follow up patients to determine the outcome of their interventions.

"Once a dark secret," BMJ 1994; 308:542 (19 February).

A woman with XY karyotype and "testicular feminization" (androgen insensitivity syndrome) briefly relates how damaging she has found the secrecy surrounding her condition. "Mine was a dark secret kept from all outside the medical profession (family included) but this is not an option because it both increases the feelings of freakishness and reinforces the sense of isolation. It also neglects the need for the counselling of siblings."

"Gender identity in testicular feminization," BMJ 1994; 308:1041 (16 April).

This letter responds to "Once a dark secret" in the 19 Feb issue. The author discusses the issue of gender identity, criticizes the secrecy and the labeling of women with complete androgen insensitivity as "male" or "hermaphrodite."

"Be open and honest with sufferers," BMJ 1994 308:1042 (16 April).

The author of this letter has also been subjected to secrecy surrounding her androgen insensitivity. This secrecy produced a "lifetime of unnecessary secrecy, shame, delayed action, and great damage to my personal and sexual identity and self esteem."

Holmes, Morgan. See entries under "Where can I read deconstructions of the medical viewpoint?"

Horowitz, Sarah. "Both and Neither," SF Weekly, February 1, 1995.

For generations, doctors have been "fixing" babies born with ambiguous genitals. Now adult "intersexuals" wonder if their true identities have been surgically mutilated. The article doesn't take sides, and plays the "expert" doctors' opinions against our opinions. Needless to say, the doctors insist that no one can be allowed to remain intersexual, and we (Cheryl, Morgan, and David) assert that we are intersexual, and that we have been harmed by medicalization. Anne Fausto-Sterling takes our side, and Suzanne Kessler is "sympathetic" with ISNA's goals, but cautions that what doctors are doing is enforcing a cultural mandate, and that doctors are not likely to participate in a revolution.


Where can I read some of the earliest deconstructions of the medical viewpoint?

Alice Dreger, Harvard University Press. Hermaphrodites and the Medical Invention of Sex available from Amazon.com.

Alice Dreger, Assistant Professor of Science and Technology Studies at Michigan State University and adjunct faculty at the Center for Ethics and Humanities in the Life Sciences, brings us this study of how and why medical and scientific men have construed sex, gender, and sexuality as they have. A 36 page long epilogue contains narratives of intersexuals treated according to the still-standard medical protocols developed in the 1950s and calls for change: "Surely, ...it will be familiarity rather than knowlege that finally takes away [intersexuals'] supposed 'strangeness.'"

Fausto-Sterling, Anne. "The Five Sexes: Why Male and Female are Not Enough," The Sciences, March/April 1993:20-24. Reprinted on New York Times Op-ed page, March 12, 1993. See also the Letters from Readers in the July/August 1993 issue.

Fausto-Sterling questions the medical dogma that, without medical intervention, hermaphrodites are doomed to a life of misery. What would be the psychological consequences of raising children as unabashed intersexuals? Imagine a society in which sexuality is celebrated for its subtleties and not feared or ridiculed. The author's acceptance of the Victorian classification of intersexuals as male, female, and true pseudo-hermaphrodites is unfortunate, as is her naivite about the success of surgical intervention.

Holmes, Morgan. "Re-membering a queer body," Undercurrents, May 1994: 11-13. Published by Faculty of Environmental Studies, York University, 4700 Keele St, North York, Ontario Canada M3J 1P3.

Ms Holmes, who was subjected during childhood to "clitoral recession" surgery which removed most of her clitoris, analyzes the cultural imperative to surgically alter intersexual children's genitals. "The medical definition of what female bodies do not have and must not have: a penis. Any body which does possess a penis must either be designated 'male' or surgically altered. ... In the minds of doctors, bodies are for procreation and heterosexual penetrative sex. ... I would have liked to have grown up in the body I was born with, to perhaps run rampant with a little physical gender terrorism instead of being restricted to this realm of paper and theory. Someone else made the decision of what and who I would always be before I even knew who and what I was."

Holmes, Morgan. "Medical Politics and Cultural Imperatives: Intersexuality Beyond Pathology and Erasure," Master's Thesis, Interdisciplinary Studies, York University, September 1994.

Kessler, Suzanne. "The Medical Construction of Gender: Case Management of Intersexed Infants." Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 16(1) (1990):3-26.

Ms Kessler interviewed six medical specialists in pediatric intersexuality to produce an account of the medical decision making process. She describes the processes by which cultural assumptions about sexuality in effect supersede objective criteria for gender assignment. Kessler concludes that the key factor in making a decision is whether or not the infant has a "viable" penis.

Lee, Ellen Hyun-Ju. "Producing Sex: An Interdisciplinary Perspective on Sex Assignment Decisions for Intersexuals," Senior Thesis, Human Biology: Race and Gender, Brown University, April 1994.

Ms Lee ananalyzes medical literature for clinical recommendations concerning the diagnosis and treatment of intersexed infants, while invoking deconstructive feminist theory to critique the medical "management" of ambiguous genitalia. Her interdisciplinary approach places intersexuality within a broader discourse of sex and gender, disputing the binary male/female opposition as a social construction. Especially valuable is her transcription of an interview with "Dr Y," an intersex specialist/clinician who acceded to be interviewed about gender assignment only under the condition that his identity be disguised.

more: Frequently Asked Questions from Non-Intersexed People



next: Parents of Intersexed Children FAQ
~ all inside intersexuality articles
~ all articles on gender

APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Intersexuality Frequently Asked Questions Table of Contents, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/intersexuality-frequently-asked-questions

Last Updated: March 14, 2016

Hermaphrodite Porn is Faked

Hermaphrodite porn on the web is faked. Those depicted are mostly normal women posing with false penial prosthetics or are pre-operation transsexuals. (The sexualizing pornographers make these fakes.)

In today's world, most hermaphrodites are altered into women by surgery under AMA Standards of Care or appear totally male. Although many have very small genitalia and many choose gay or lesbian lifestyles, some do marry.

The idea of a dual sexuality, as pictured in current adult popular culture, is mostly untrue (the reality is it's not an enviable position to be in.) Yet the idea of the hermaphrodite as an object of love and sexual desire has fascinated artists throughout history. Some more artistic renderings are pictured below.

If you have comments or knowledge of the source, or description of these images, please email me. I also welcome non-copyrighted images or art of hermaphrodites.

Satyr and hermaphrodite

SATYR AND HERMAPHRODITE

Presented by Jamie Ledbetter, Kent School class of 2000

This Greek statue is a Hellenistic work of art, created around 150 B.C. Later on however, a Roman copy was made of this statue. This statue is clearly hellenistic because of its stunning realsim and lifelike activity. Although it may have looked better when it was first created, one can still appreciate the amazing artistic aspects which give the piece beauty as well as meaning. This statue, as well as most other Hellenistic statues tell a story of an important event, myth, or perhaps a legend in the famous age of the Greeks.

This work of art was created in the Hellenistic era, which expains the nature of this statue. In this statue, and battle goes on between Satyr and a Hermaphrodite. Like most Hellenistic works of art, this piece expresses great emotion and determination. Clearly there is emotion in the faces of both people, especially the struggle and look of frustation in the face of Satyr. In addition, what can also be noted is that neither of the bodies are perfect beautiful bodies which were considered ideal by Greek standards. This is one way in which Hellenistic art differed from classical art. Instead in striving to achieve the perfection of the body, Hellenistic art was mainly the portrayal of bodies as they were, and sometimes the bodies were grotesque. The hermaphrodite is grotesque and in no way considered the ideal body to have, and the Satyr's body is not perfect as well. Hellenistic art takes a natural, rational, and humanistic approach to life. The Satyr's body is not a large, powerful muscle-bound body. Rather, it is a normal body for a middle-aged man. The focus of this piece is a fight between two people, which is common for a Hellenistic piece.

Bibliography:
Stewart, Andrew. Greek Sculpture: An exploration. New Haven: Yale University Press, copyright 1990.

Title Unknown #2
Hermaphrodite statues

Title Unknown #3
Hermaphrodite statue



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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Hermaphrodite Porn is Faked, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/hermaphrodite-porn-is-faked

Last Updated: March 14, 2016

Berdache Tradition

Zuni Berdache

We'wha (1849-96), a Zuni berdache, lived in New Mexico. He is shown holding a ritual vessel, dressed in women's clothing.

In some Native American cultures, male children who display feminine characteristics at an early age are valued by the tribe as a sacred trust. It is believed that the Great Spirit has sent this child to them as a go-between for males and females, a bridge between the sexes who understands both sides of the human condition.

Such a child is apprenticed to a shaman, or holy man of the tribe. In his training, he learns the traditional work of both sexes, dresses as a woman, and usually performs the functions of healer and arbiter for his people.

The European word for this person is "berdache". Among the Zuni, for example, it is "lhamana".

The ideal of male and female sharing one body has long been fertile soil in my psychic garden. These images explore the fusion of male and female which the berdache represents, and are part of a larger series.

The subject is a young Native American from New Mexico who has recently discovered and is exploring this aspect of his culture.

See A Native American Perspective on the Theory of Gender Continuum by DRK

 



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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Berdache Tradition, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/berdache-tradition

Last Updated: March 15, 2016

Articles Table of Contents

A Brief Life Story

 

Articles

Information, Points of View on Gender, Intersexuality and Hermaphrodites
Brief History of a Hermaphrodite
  • Hermaphrodite Porn is Faked
    Hermaphrodite porn on the web is faked. Those depicted are mostly normal women posing with false penial prosthetics or are pre-operation transsexuals.

  • Sex Police
    The biology of sex is being hotly debated, as parents, doctors and researchers reevaluate what it means to be male and female.

  • John/Joan
    In 1967, an anonymous baby boy was turned into a girl by doctors at Johns Hopkins Hospital. For 25 years, the case of John/Joan was called a medical triumph — proof that a child's gender identity could be changed — and thousands of "sex reassignments" were performed based on this example. But the case was a failure, the truth never reported. Now the man who grew up as a girl tells the story of his life, and a medical controversy erupts.

  • Intersex Survivors of Domestic Violence
    A significant number of intersex individuals identify themselves as survivors of domestic violence, but many are afraid to come forward and ask for help. Why?

  • A Native American Perspective on the Theory of Gender Continuum
    Many of the world's cultures recognize more than two genders. The notion that there are those of us who do not fit precisely into either a male or female role has historically been accepted by many groups.

  • Multi-Dimensionality of Gender
    Probably more upsetting to our conventional view of gender than this fuzziness of gender roles is that we can be a MIX of male and female identities within the same individual.

  • Marriage Between Close Relations Increases Risk
    Marriage within close relations or within the same community may increase the risk of hermaphroditism.

  • Intersexuality - A Plea for Honesty and Emotional Support
    Intersexual children need early access to a peer support group where they can find role models and discuss medical and lifestyle options.
  • Syndromes of Abnormal Sex Differentiation
    From the Johns Hopkins Children's Center, this booklet is designed to help parents and patients understand intersexuality and the challenges that accompany syndromes of "abnormal" sex differentiation.

  • A Single Word: Stop!
    Deborah E. Brown, Director of the Intersex Support Group International, advises parents of intersexed newborns not to jump into gender assignment surgery.

  • American Academy of Pediatrics Report
    Medical staff and parents should refrain from immediately assigning a gender to newborns with genital abnormalities until the child's condition can be thoroughly reviewed and given careful consideration.

  • The Medical Management of Intersexed Children
    How psychologically traumatic is it for intersexed children who have to receive repeated medical exams and procedures?

  • Management Of Intersexuality
    Guidelines for dealing with individuals with ambiguous genitalia. Directed towards doctors but good for parents of intersexed children to know.

  • Sexual Scientists Question Medical Treatment of Hermaphroditism
    The fate of persons born with ambiguous genitals (also called hermaphrodites, or intersexuals) was the focus of debate when sexual scientists from around the world met.

  • Genital Surgery on Intersexed Children
    This letter was sent from Cheryl Chase, Exec. Dir., Intersex Society of North America to a judge in Columbia, South America. It explains why the court should allow the child to make any decisions about surgery herself, when she is old enough to evaluate risks and benefits.


next:   Hermaphrodite Porn is Faked
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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Articles Table of Contents, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/articles-on-intersexuality-and-hermaphrodites

Last Updated: October 23, 2015

Sex Police

sex police The biology of sex is being hotly debated, as parents, doctors and researchers reevaluate what it means to be male and female.

By Sally Lehrman, 1999

Patrick took a long time in coming -- two weeks in the birth canal -- but the moment he arrived, nurses bundled him up and rushed him out of the delivery room. The Jacksonville, Fla., hospital cloistered the eight-pound, 20 1/2-inch baby in a back section of the intensive care unit and drew the curtains. One doctor after another went to visit. The infant had a well-defined penis, but with an opening at the base, not the tip. There was just one testicle, though it was producing plenty of testosterone. In most of his cells, the baby had no Y chromosome, the one that contains the genetic instructions for the body to develop as a male. The doctors assured the adoptive mother, Helena Harmon-Smith, that Patrick was a girl. They would remove the offending appendages right away.

But Harmon-Smith had seen Patrick have an erection. Actually, several. "You're not cutting off anything that's working," she protested. The authorities checked the infant's internal organs and still insisted this baby would be better off as a girl. His mother refused. More tests. After 11 days, 20 doctors filed into a hospital conference room and solemnly announced that they would allow the family to raise Patrick as a boy. "We put him in a little tux and took him home," Harmon-Smith says.

Two and a half months later, Patrick's doctor warned his mother that the boy's testicle, really an ovotestis that also contained some ovarian tissue, was probably malignant. It should be removed -- like the one already taken from his abdomen. His mother finally agreed to a biopsy, just in case. When the surgeon returned from the operating room, he said the gonad was diseased. He had cut it off.

Harmon-Smith pestered the doctor for the pathology report for more than a month. Once she got it, "the first thing I read was 'normal, healthy testicle.' My heart stopped. I just cried," she says. Five years old March 24 and in the first grade, Patrick will never be able to produce semen.

"My son is now a non-functioning eunuch. Before, he was a functioning male," Harmon-Smith says. "I don't think the doctor cared. His reasoning was that this was a hermaphrodite, so everything should be removed."

Quietly and in near secrecy, pediatric urologists and other specialists decide what are the minimum qualifications for manhood, correcting any babies with ambiguous genitalia -- known as "intersexed" -- before their births are announced to the world. Under the urgent conditions of a medical emergency, they decide whether a smallish appendage is a proto-penis or a maxi-clitoris, and perform the surgery to make it so -- sometimes without even telling the parents the truth about their child, and rarely revealing anything to the patient as he or she grows up. Guiding the doctors' work is a commonly accepted theory, pioneered in 1955 by Johns Hopkins University sexologist John Money, that infants are psychosexually neutral at birth. If a surgeon sculpts a baby's undersized, oversized or otherwise confusing genitals to match a sex label within a few months of birth, normal psychosexual development will follow.

But evidence is building that sexual identity is not so easy to manage or mold. New studies in human development are demonstrating that the biological division between male and female isn't clear-cut or even stable. The simple presence of a Y chromosome -- considered by many people to be as male-identifying as a six-pack of Bud and a 4-by-4 Dodge Ram -- isn't necessarily enough to make a man. And frilly dresses adorning a body shaped to be female can't always contain the guy hidden inside.

The questions aren't limited to hospital birthing rooms. From sports arenas to geneticists' labs, experts are struggling to find new ways to define and describe the biology of sex. And some members of the medical establishment are beginning to question whether intersex surgeries make sense in infancy, before the child has a chance to reach puberty, develop his or her own sense of identity and give consent. Later this month, academic surgeons and pediatric urologists meet in Dallas to thrash out the psychological, hormonal, surgical and practical issues of intersex treatment. Their debates are likely to get hot.

Since the 1960s, most doctors confronted with a baby like Patrick would likely excise his penis and testicle shortly after birth and call him a girl. If he had a Y chromosome, they might keep the penis but rebuild the urethra to reach the organ's tip. If he had two XX chromosomes like most girls, but an extra-large clitoris that could be mistaken for a penis, they'd trim it back. Or if he had the right chromosomes but a very small penis, off it would go. The surgeons were certain that life without the appropriate genitals would be impossible, and as recently as last year, an article in Pediatric Nursing suggested that doctors ought to consider it child abuse if the parents refused genital remodeling.

Katherine Rossiter, the pediatric nurse practitioner who wrote the article in the January-February 1998 nursing journal, argues that intersex activists represent only a minority, albeit a vocal one, and that allowing a baby with a tiny penis and no testicles to grow up as a boy, rather than surgically reassigning him as a girl, might harm him beyond repair. But she admits that "listening to what real people say and their arguments" has broken down some of her conviction. "I've become muddy mishmash in my thinking," she says.

The medical literature and the opinions of specialists are increasingly divided. "In some cases it's led to a human tragedy -- it might have been better not to reassign the sex of this particular child. But there are cases where it's clearly right to reassign," says Raymond Hintz, an endocrinologist and professor of pediatrics at Stanford University. "It's sometimes justified, but it's not something you do lightly."

William Cromie, a Chicago pediatric urologist who serves as secretary and treasurer of the Society for Pediatric Urology, stresses that proper treatment relies on the carefully considered opinions of parents along with ethicists, endocrinologists, pediatricians and other specialists. As many as 30 conditions may lead to a child being considered intersexed. "It's not an arbitrary, capricious decision by one person," he says. "You try to make the very best decision -- it's usually ground over by a lot of people who are very thoughtful. This is an area that's immensely complex. And lay people just plain and simple don't understand it."

However well-meaning, though, doctors who perform intersex surgery employ a very finite tool in making their decision. The first measure of manhood is a ruler: If a penis is less than one inch (2.5 centimeters) at birth, it doesn't count. And if it's more than three-eighths of an inch (0.9 centimeters) long, it can't qualify as a clitoris either. Any appendage that falls in the middle must be fixed. Then there's the question of the urethral opening, which must be in the right place -- men don't pee sitting down. A curving penis must also be corrected.

For a boy to be a boy, he ought to have two testicles just below a straight penis, and only one opening down there. If the genitals fall short, a pediatric urologist will almost always assign the infant a female gender, remove anything protruding too far and prescribe estrogen at puberty. A talented surgeon can construct a vagina using a piece of the bowel, although the woman who owns it will never experience any sensation inside.

Hale Hawbecker narrowly escaped such a prognosis. When he was born in 1960, his doctors, aghast at his small, perfectly formed penis and internal testicles, wanted to reassign him female. His parents refused, not comprehending the doctors' distress. "It's kind of a strict club in this country to be a man, with very rigid rules to qualify," says Hawbecker, now a Washington attorney who is developing a legal challenge to infant intersex surgeries in his spare time. "It doesn't matter if you're XY. If your penis is too small, you lose it."




Hawbecker says his penis size and absent testicles, removed in childhood, don't hurt his ability to love and make love to his wife. "I very happily engage in sex whenever I can. You have to be creative, and not so focused on genitals," he says. As for his own pleasure, "My penis does everything you'd expect a penis to do -- it's just small."

Hawbecker says he thinks like a man; with his clothes on, he looks typically male too. And yet, he says, "I guess I've never really felt like I fell neatly into the camp of guys. I love to cook. I love to take care of things around the house. I hate the Three Stooges and I don't like football." Often, he thinks about the female he might have become; where she'd be right now. "I think she'd be OK. I could've done 'girl' too. I could be happy that way, too. That's what's mind-boggling."

Medical literature says that about one in 2,000 babies is born like Hawbecker or Harmon-Smith, with uncommon variations of genitals and gonads, or sex-conditioning hormones that don't match sexual organs. About one in 1,000 women has three X chromosomes instead of the usual two; some people have had as many as four X chromosomes -- plus two Ys. Some women have facial hair, some men don't. Breast size, voice timbre and body structure, all generally accepted cues, also can contradict chromosomal identity.

"The basic story is, it isn't simple," says Alison Jolly, a Princeton evolutionary biologist who studies ringtail lemurs in Madagascar. "It's all just more complicated than people will admit." In the first few weeks of life, every human embryo develops the equipment for both sexes, the foundations for both ovaries and testes. At about eight weeks, a chemical chain of events stimulates one set to disintegrate. One week later, the external genitalia begin to form -- and usually, to match what's left inside.

All this seems to be triggered by a spot on the Y chromosome called SRY, for "sex-determining region, Y chromosome," that scientists have dubbed the "master switch." Throw it, they say, and a chain of events run mostly by genes on the X chromosome leads to the development of testes and the production of male hormones. Without SRY, females continue along what molecular biologists have dubbed the "default" pathway. In February, however, researchers reported the first evidence that an active signal stimulates female development, too.

Of course, there's a lot more going on as well -- much of it still not even vaguely understood. A wash of hormones primes the brain for one sex or another, though not always the same as the one indicated by genitalia at birth. Jolly suggests looking at sex as statistical -- a compendium of characteristics that, when plotted on a graph, looks like a couple of camel humps. One set of features tends to be viewed as male and the other female. The section in between is as normal as the outlying regions in the land of "super-macho" and "super-fem."

From classical antiquity through the Renaissance, anatomists thought there was just one sex, and it was male. Female bodies simply mirrored the male reproductive organs -- with the vagina an inverted penis; the ovaries, interior testicles. During the 18th century, the idea of two separate sexes took hold. Then in 1993, Anne Fausto-Sterling, a well-regarded biologist and feminist studies theorist at Brown University, raised a ruckus when she proposed that male and female were not enough. In a tongue-in-cheek proposal, she recommended five categories in all.

Some people seized upon the idea as a revelation finally explaining their own bodies. Others felt the thesis went too far. Fausto-Sterling says her readers were taking her too literally. She has abandoned the proposal -- which at root simply challenged people to think differently about sex -- and now wants to eliminate the term from our vocabulary. "There is no sex; there's gender," Fausto-Sterling says.

Fausto-Sterling argues that scientific discoveries about the ways our bodies work employ cultural understandings and, as in the male "master switch" and female "default pathway," the language of existing social models. Whenever faced with a lack of clarity, surgeons get out the ruler and make a choice. "There's a set of decisions by which we're going to socially agree what is a penis. How we organize the continuous variability that nature offers us is what gender is about," Fausto-Sterling says. "What we call the truth of the body is also a cultural view of the body through a scientific lens."

Both the scientific and social interpretations are increasingly complicated and controversial. The International Olympic Committee has found itself at the center of the uncertainty. The first shock came when Hermann Ratjen, who ran as Dora Ratjen for Germany in the 1930s, confessed in 1957 that he had disguised himself at the request of the Nazi Youth Movement. So in 1966, as the opportunities for women to compete expanded rapidly, a panel of judges began checking female athletes for vaginal openings, overlarge clitorises, a penis or testicles. By 1968, chromosome testing replaced these "nude parades," and in 1992, a more sophisticated instrument to hunt for the SRY gene was adopted. But as the technology advanced, so did the confusion.

Five women out of 2,406 tested "male" in the 1992 Barcelona Olympics. Eight women in the 1996 Atlanta games didn't pass as females. In February, the Athletes' Commission of the International Olympics Committee urged its parent organization to do away with sex analysis entirely and rely instead on observed urination during drug testing to pinpoint any likely imposters.

Anatomy, gonads, hormones, genes, rearing, identity and even the presumptions of others all play into a person's sex. "To select only one, the genetic sex, out of a large number of sex-determining factors and analyze for that one is scientifically incorrect," says Arne Ljungqvist, head of the International Amateur Athletics Federation doping commission.

Both women and men in sports have begun to accept a broader definition of what a "woman" is, accepting those with chromosomal variations and sometimes even testes. Intersex activists hope pediatric specialists also will quit worrying about what those jock straps contain -- and indeed, some already have.

William Reiner, who started out as a urologic surgeon, went back to school after witnessing the misery of children living with the results of sex-correction surgery. Now a child psychiatrist at Johns Hopkins University, he says the most important sex organ is the brain. Reiner doesn't buy any theories about a range in biological sex; in fact he thinks it's quite binary. All the more reason to step back from aggressive enforcement, he says. Sure, go ahead and assign sex at birth, he suggests, but in the final analysis boys will be boys, girls will be girls, and they know what they are better than any parent or doctor.

Some surgeries are medically necessary, and many seem to turn out just fine. Reiner hopes to sort out some of the mysteries by following the lives of 700 children born with atypical genitals, 40 of whom had their sex reassigned at birth. "The kids are going to tell us the answers," he says. Cheryl Chase thinks she knows some already. She founded the network that grew into the Intersex Society of North America, a clan of 1,400 whose anatomy doesn't fit the binary ideal. Born with both ovarian and testicular tissue, Cheryl started out life as Charlie. But doctors decided later that since she was potentially fertile and had a short penis, she'd be better off as a girl. Her parents changed her name, threw away photographs and birthday cards and had her clitoris removed when she was 18 months old. Her ovotestis came out at age 8. She was in her 20s and living as a lesbian in the 1970s when she dug up the truth about her birth and life as a boy -- making her feel like an imposter in her own community. And for her, like many others who had surgery on their genitals, the missing parts and scarring made sex more likely to bring pain than pleasure.

The Intersex Society doesn't oppose assigning gender at birth. Instead it -- and now some medical specialists -- urges parents and doctors to refrain from surgery and be open to a change in sex identity later.

But Chase, for one, isn't waiting for culture to come to terms with biology. "I'm focused on practical changes that come quickly, not pie in the sky," Chase says. "I would much rather keep my clitoris and have orgasms than have a box to check off."

Helena Harmon-Smith, Patrick's mother, says she wants children like her son to be allowed their own decisions -- and more than anything, to be recognized as real. "My son was one of the lucky few -- because he is technically both. He can be boy or girl," she says. She will never forgive Patrick's doctor for making the choice for him.



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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Sex Police, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/sex-police

Last Updated: March 14, 2016

A Native American Perspective on the Theory of Gender Continuum by DRK

Many of the world's cultures recognize more than two genders. The notion that there are those of us who do not fit precisely into either a male or female role has historically been accepted by many groups.

Among Native Americans, the role of third, fourth, or even fifth genders has been widely documented. Children, who were born physically male or female and yet showed a proclivity for the opposite gender, were encouraged to live out their lives in the gender role, which fit them best. The term used by Europeans to describe this phenomenon is Berdache. "Indians have options not in terms of either/or, opposite categories, but in terms of various degrees along a continuum between masculine and feminine (Williams 80)."

A berdache was one who was defined by spirituality, androgyny, women's work and male/male homosexual relationships (127). The berdache could adopt the clothing of women, associate and be involved with women, do the work normally associated with women, marry a man and take part in many spiritual ceremonies of the tribe. Female versions of the role also occurred, but are less well documented and will not be discussed in this paper. Generosity and spirituality more than homosexuality and gender characterized berdachism.

In the traditional tribal sense, these roles have often been ones associated with great respect and spiritual power. Rather than being viewed as an aberration, the role was seen as one, which bridged the gap between the temporal and spirit worlds. The spiritual aspect of the berdache role was emphasized far more than the homosexual or gender variant aspect. Because of this, berdaches were highly valued by the people of the tribe.

Given the choice between discarding or honoring a person, who did not fit neatly into rigid gender compartments, many Native American groups chose to find a productive and venerated place for the berdache. A Crow traditionalist says, "We don't waste people the way white society does. Every person has their gift ( 57)." According to the Mohave creation story, "Ever since the world began, there have been transvestites, and from the beginning of the world, it was meant that there should be homosexuals. (Roscoe, ed. 39)."

With the arrival of European settlers and pressure from Christian and governmental sources, the tradition of the berdache changed in dramatic ways. The homosexual aspect of the role was all that was seen by the whites. The white powers attempted to remove all traces of berdachism.

As Native Americans began to convert to Christianity, internal pressure developed to disown the berdache tradition within the Indian Nations. Although pockets of traditional berdache practice survived, these were seen primarily among the old. As these people began to die off, the tradition, which had gone underground for the most part, was lost to upcoming generations.

In the last three decades, interest has been rekindled in the tradition. Disenfranchised Native American gays and lesbians searching for a means to access their spiritual heritage looked to the traditions and found much in the berdache role. As groups became reacquainted with the role, questions arose about its definition and application. Still in the formative stage, the reexamination of berdachism has provided many with a foothold by which they are able to step back into becoming meaningful members of society.

Lee Staples, founder of American Indian Gays and Lesbians, said "... I thought all there was to our lives as gays was the bar scene and sex, but to explain our lives as Indian gays and lesbians is to look at our spiritual journeys. It has much more depth on a spiritual level (Roscoe, Changing 108)."

Some Native Americans object to the very word used to describe the special role of berdache. Some sources say the term has its origins in an Arab word for male prostitute or "kept" boy and was coined not by the Indians, but by Europeans. Will Roscoe, author of several books on the topic states the problems involved with choosing a term "creates as many problems as they solve, beginning with the mischaracterization of the history and meaning of the word berdache. As a Persian term, its origins are Eastern, not Western. Nor is it a derogatory term, except to the extent that all terms for nonmarital sexuality in European societies carried a measure of condemnation. It was rarely used with the force of faggot, but more often as a euphemism with a sense of lover or boyfriend. (17)."

Those who object to the term feel the implications are derogatory and insulting. In addition and perhaps more importantly, it is felt the term berdache does not speak to the many facets of the role. This is of course very true as the role has many variations and aspects.

All tribes that recognized the role, had their own terms for it. Using these terms would be ideal, but as Roscoe also points out, " ...in order to speak of traditional statuses generally, to compare roles of different tribes and those for males to those of females, it is necessary to have an umbrella term to refer to the subject. (19)".

Out of respect for the Native American culture, much deliberation took place about whether to use the term berdache or to substitute some other term for it in the remainder of this paper. Although the term Two Spirit has come into vogue among Native Americans, I have chosen to follow Mr. Roscoe's decision to use the term berdache.

Much of the anger and frustration expressed about the use of the term stemmed from Native people's experience of being studied and often misinterpreted by white anthropologists and is therefore certainly acknowledged. Considering Will Roscoe's well-respected position within the area of study and his obvious good intentions and love for the people, I feel confident in following his lead. The following is a very limited glimpse into the amazingly complex world and history of the berdache.

The consideration of alternative genders does not come easy to most Americans, but many traditional Native American tribes had no trouble accepting berdache into their midst. The concept of a gender continuum, completely separate from biological sex types is something widely accepted by Native cultures. Many native religions explain the concept of the berdache.

The Arapaho of the plains believe the role existed due to supernatural gifts from birds or animals (Williams 22). The Creation story of the Colorado Mohave "speaks of a time when people were not sexually differentiated". In the Omaha language, the term for berdache meant, "instructed by the Moon" (29). Many myths warned not to try to interfere with the fulfillment of the role. Consequences could be dire and sometimes resulted in death (23).




In a similar vein, the belief was strong that no one should not resist spiritual guidance when lead to follow the berdache path (30). This, combined with a level of respect sometimes bordering on fear, lead to acceptance with blind faith that the berdache was indeed a gift to the tribe; someone to be honored and cherished.

Many tribes believed that the person was lead by a spiritual experience into the role. A boy was never forced into the role but rather was allowed to explore his natural inclination (24). They often went through some sort of ceremony to determine their path. Because berdaches were believed to have great spiritual vision, they were often viewed as prophets (42).

The following sentence seems to sum up the overall feeling of the Native American about differences among their people. " By the Indian view, someone who is different offers advantages to society precisely because he or she is freed from the restrictions of the usual. It is a different window from which to view the world."

In 1971, a Sioux shaman interviewed a winkte (berdache). "He told me that if nature puts a burden on a man by making him different, it also gives him a power" (42). The Zapotec Indians around the Oaxaca area in Mexico, staunchly defend their berdache's right to adopt different gender and sex roles because "God made them that way."(49). The emphasis in defining the role is placed on the person's character and spirit and not on the sexual aspects.

Nearly all tribes honoring the berdache status had different names for the roles. Most sources used suggest using the specific name associated with the tribe and this was done whenever possible

The Lakota call their berdache Winktes. The Mohave call theirs alyha. Lhamana is the Zuni word for berdache as is nadleeh among the Navajo. There are literally dozens of others; most being variations on a general root word that is used in a certain geographic area (Roscoe, Changing 213-222). The berdache role also exists among peoples of the Southern American continent and various other places in the world as well. In Mexico, Zapotec people call their berdache ira' muxe (Williams 49)..

Some Definitions

There are many definitions of being berdache. Some of the many found are listed below.

1) "Berdache has been employed to refer to special gender roles in Native American cultures that anthropologists have interpreted as ceremonial transvestitism, institutionalized homosexuality and gender variance/multiple genders." (Jacobs, Thomas and Lang 4).

2) ".....a berdache can be defined as a morphological male who does not fill a standard society's man's role, who has a nonmasculine character (Williams 2)."

3) In 1975, in their book, The Female of the Species, Martin and Voorhies wrote, "sex differences need not necessarily be perceived as bipolar. It seems possible that reproductive bisexuality establishes a minimal number of socially recognized physical sexes, but these need not be limited to two (Roscoe, Changing 123)."

4) In The Zuni Man/Woman , author, Will Roscoe describes the famous We'Wha as "a man who combined the work and social roles of men and women, an artist and a priest who dressed, at least in part, in women's clothes (Roscoe, Zuni 2)."

Anthropologist, Evelyn Blackwood felt "The berdache gender is not a deviant role; nor a mixture of the two genders, nor less a jumping from one gender to its opposite, nor is it an alternative role behavior for nontraditional individuals who are still considered men and women. Rather it comprises a separate gender within a multiple gender system (Roscoe, Changing 123)."

Suffice it to say the subject is complex and often seems to defy description. There are common attributes, however. These vary from group to group, but a core set of four traits is shared.

Specialized work roles- Male and female berdaches are typically described in terms of their preference and achievements in the work of the "opposite" sex and/or unique activities specific to their identities.

Gender difference - In addition to work preferences, berdaches are distinguished from men and women in terms of temperament, dress, lifestyle and social roles.

Spiritual sanction - Berdache identity is widely believed to be the result of supernatural intervention in the form of visions or dreams, and/or it is sanctioned by tribal mythology.

Same-sex relations - Berdaches most often form sexual and emotional relationships with non berdache members of their own sex" (Roscoe, Changing 8).

The role of berdache was determined during childhood. Parents would watch a child who seemed to have a tendency toward living as berdache and would assist him in pursuing it rather than discouraging him. At some point, usually around puberty, a ceremony would be performed which would formalize a boy's adoption of the role. One ceremony commonly practiced involved placing a man's bow and arrow and a woman's baskets in a brush enclosure. The boy went inside the enclosure that was then set on fire. What he took with him as he ran to escape the flames was believed to be indicative of his spiritual guidance to follow or not to follow the berdache path (Williams 24).

It is important to remember that Indians do not consider this role one that is a matter of personal choice. They generally believe that one who follows the path is following his own spiritual guidance. The important feature here is living a life true to one's spiritual path. In most cases, a person assumes berdache status for life, but in the case of a nineteenth-century Klamath berdache named Lele'ks, the role was abandoned. He began wearing men's clothing, acting like a man and married a woman. His reason for doing so was because he had been instructed to do so by the Spirits.




Following spiritual direction is the key issue in assumption or abandonment of the role (25). "Of those who became berdaches, the other Indians would say that since he had been 'claimed by a Holy Woman, ' nothing could be done about it. Such persons might be pitied because of the spiritual responsibilities they held, but they were treated as mysterious and holy, and were respected as benevolent people who assisted others in time of starvation (30)."

Berdaches excel in weaving, beadwork, and pottery; arts associated almost solely with the women of the tribe. We'Wha, a famous Zuni berdache was an accomplished weaver and potter as well as a sash and blanket maker. Her pottery was sold for twice that of other potters in the village (Roscoe, Zuni 50-52). Berdache men are also involved with cooking, tanning, saddle-making, farming, gardening, raising children, basket-making (Williams 58-59).

One notable attribute of the berdache is that the work of these people is greatly prized both within and without the tribe. "To tell a woman that her craft-work is as a good as a berdache's is not sexist, but rather the highest compliment" (59) Because of their superior quality, work done by the berdache is highly valued by collectors and tribal members as well. There is a belief that some of the spiritual power of the maker has been transferred to the craft itself. Some believe that the exquisite art is itself a manifestation of that power (60).

In addition to craftwork, berdaches are known to be strong family and community members. They were traditionally considered assets to the tribe and were sources of great pride. A man raised with his berdache cousin said, "The boy lived as though he had some higher understanding of life (52)."

Many berdaches adopt children and are known to be excellent parents and teachers. Native Americans as a whole readily accept adoption of children and traditionally share in child rearing among their kin (55). They excel at cooking, cleaning and all other domestic duties. Many, such as We'Wha, took great pride in being able to provide their families with the ultimate in comfort, nourishment and nurturing.

Throughout the literature there are references to the berdache finding no greater purpose than that of serving his fellow tribesmen. Hastiin Klah, a famous Navajo shaman and berdache was written about with much love and respect by the wealthy Bostonian, Mary Cabot Wheelwright. " I grew to respect and love him for his real goodness, generosity -and holiness, for there is no other word for it.... When I knew him he never kept anything for himself. It was hard to see him almost in rags at his ceremonies, but what was given to him he seldom kept, passing it on to someone who needed it... Everything was the outward form of the spirit world that was very real to him (Roscoe, ed. Living 63)."

In terms of child rearing and education, the berdache fulfil an important role. They not only adopt children of their own; they are often involved with the care of other's children. One of the best examples of this is within the Zuni culture. All adult members consider themselves responsible for the behavior of all the children within the tribe. An adult passing the misbehaving child of another will correct the child. We'Wha was reported to have benefited from this as a child herself and became noted for her excellent way with children as she matured and became a berdache (Roscoe, Changing 36).

Today, the practice of berdaches being involved in child rearing persists and seems to be gaining importance in tribes where abuse and alcoholism abound. "Terry Calling Eagle, a Lakota berdache, states, 'I love children, and I used to worry that I would be alone without children. The Spirit said he would provide some. Later, some kids of drunks who did not care for them were brought to me by neighbors. The kids began spending more and more time here, so finally the parents asked me to adopt them.'

After those children were raised, Terry was asked to adopt others. In all, he has raised seven orphan children, one of whom was living with him when I was there. This boy, a typical masculine seventeen-year-old, interacts comfortably with his winkte parent. After having been physically abused as a young child by alcoholic parents, he feels grateful for the stable, supportive atmosphere in his adoptive home. (Williams 56)."

The berdache role is most often characterized by a tendency to a pacific temperament, but they were known to go to war or on hunts on a regular basis. Some cultures took the berdache along to do the cooking, washing, caring for the camp and tending to the wounded.

Their presence among the warriors was valued because of their special spiritual powers. Occasionally, a berdache would participate directly in warfare. This dispels the argument among early anthropologists that the role was adopted as a means of avoiding warfare. The Crow berdache Osh-Tisch, which means Finds Them and Kills Them got his name by turning warrior for one day in 1876. He took part in an attack on the Lakota and was distinguished for his bravery (68-69).

Because of their unique position as neither male nor female, berdache would act as counselors for marital conflict. Among the Omaha tribe, they were even paid for this service. Berdache also performed the role of matchmaker. When a young man wanted to send gifts and get the attention of a young woman, the berdache would often act as ago between with the girl's family (70-71).

One of the most notable aspects of the berdache is their association with wealth and prosperity. Because they were subject to menstruation, pregnancy or tied down to nursing infants, they were able to work during times when women could not. In addition, their greater musculature made them strong and able to endure long days of hard labor. They were known to do almost twice the work of a woman. "...the berdache is ever ready for service, and is expected to perform the hardest labors of the female department (58-59). " When a man wished to marry a berdache often her ability and inclination to work hard was a large part of the attraction.

Although there is much fluidity in alternate gender behavior, a berdache reaches some absolutes when it comes to adopting biological female roles. This limitation has not eliminated attempts at mimicking such female biological processes such as menstruation and pregnancy. The Mohave alyha were known to have gone to great lengths to simulate mock pregnancies. They would self induce constipation and then "deliver" a stillborn fecal fetus. Appropriate mourning rites and burial were performed with the involvement of the alyha's husband.

Alyha also simulated menstruation through scratching their legs until they bled. They would then require their husbands to observe all the taboos associated with menstruation. They had never been observed attempting to nurse infants, however (Roscoe, Changing 141). Sometimes an alyha would fake a pregnancy to stop her husband from trying to leave or divorce her on the grounds of infertility (Roscoe, ed. 38).

Certainly one of the most entertaining stories associated with the berdache adoption of female dress and attitude comes from We'Wha. In 1886, she went to Washington DC to meet President Grover Cleveland accompanied by anthropologist and debutante, Matilda Coxe Stevenson. Because she passed easily as a woman, she was allowed into the ladies rooms and boudoirs of the elite. She delighted in telling the Zuni upon arriving home that "the white women were mostly frauds, taking out their false teeth and 'rats' from their hair." One woman gossiped, "To hear Mrs. Stevenson give Waywah's description of the way a society lady in Washington 'makes herself young again' was exceedingly amusing (Roscoe, Zuni 71)."




The traditional berdache was known for living within a strong moral code. Their ethics were above reproach and they were valued as peacemakers and settlers of disputes (Williams 41). They accepted the duties of the role and tried to exceed the expectations of others in how well they performed. Not only were they adept at settling disagreements among tribe members, but they also could act as intercessors between the physical and the spiritual world (41).

The tribes held them in great esteem and were quite respectful and often frightened of their connection with the spirit world. This seems to be one reason traditional berdaches were not harassed or bothered. Most tribes believed it very dangerous to attempt to interact with the spiritual realm and felt fortunate to have a berdache in their midst to perform that task.

Although berdache often fulfilled the role of caring for the sick and wounded, they were not usually shaman, but rather ones to whom the shaman would turn for guidance. As a Lakota stated, "Winktes can be medicine men, but are usually not because they already have the power (36)."

Berdaches were closely associated with dreams and visions. In some cultures dreams were believed simply to guide the person and, as such were considered a benevolent force. In others, such as the Maricopa, adoption of the berdache role was associated with "too much" dreaming (Roscoe, Changing 145-146).

Among the Plains tribes, it was the berdache who was assigned to bless the sacred pole for the Sun Dance ceremony, the most important religious rite of the culture. Their association with anything on a spiritual plane brought luck to the ritual or the person involved. Berdaches are often in charge of preparing the dead for burial. Among the Yokuts, tongochim were so esteemed, they were allowed to keep any of the deceased's belongings they chose (Williams 60).

In the Potawatomi tribe if a berdache groomed the hair of a man going on a hunt, it was thought to provide "special spiritual advantage and protection for the hunter (36-37)." Although they could be among the most gentle and loving members of a group, if crossed, they could become vindictive and formidable foes, a characteristic, which underscores the mystery and power of the role (103).

In relation to the spiritual nature of the role, people approached their relationships with the berdache, as they would have with a deity, with awe, respect and a sense of acceptance without needing to fully understand.

As opposed to European views of sexuality, Native Americans experience sex as more than a means of reproduction. It is also an activity to be enjoyed and appreciated. Sexual pleasure is considered a gift from the spirit world. As a result, most traditional tribes felt no inhibition in regard to sexual relations. Children were exposed to the sight of adults having sex and some ceremonies involved sex on an orgy level (88). Additionally, sexual contact was not necessarily limited to one's spouse or to the opposite sex; thus same sex activity was not the exclusive realm of the berdache (90-91).

There are some characteristics of the sexual practices of berdache, which differ from those of other same sex relationships. Berdaches almost always observe an incest taboo which involves the avoidance of sex with another berdache. One explanation for this is that sexual partner of the berdache must, by nature, be masculine (93). This belief is consistent with the emphasis on the gender aspects of the role rather than the sexual aspects. It also dovetails with the information on berdache marriages to masculine men. In these unions, the berdache is considered a wife and is valued by the husband not only for the domestic duties the berdache performs, but also for the socially acceptable homosexual relationship.

In a sense, Native American cultures have institutionalized and socially sanctioned homosexual relations by utilizing the berdache role as the preferred same sex partner. When men want to have male/male sex, they are encouraged to do so with a berdache (95).

The usual sexual behavior of the berdache is to take the passive role in anal intercourse. At times they may indulge in oral sex or take the active role in anal intercourse, but this is not widely talked about. If a berdache wishes to take an active role, it is usually done only in secret and with a partner who can be trusted not to talk. This is also true of the feelings of the man involved with a berdache. If he wishes to assume the passive role, he will try to keep the activity secret.

Another distinctive aspect of berdache sex is that during foreplay and actual intercourse they generally do not like to have their genitals touched. ".... Intercourse with an alyha is surrounded by an etiquette to which the partner had better conform; or else the man could get in all sorts of trouble. Kuwal, a Mohave man who had several alyha as wives, said "they insisted on having their penis referred to as cunnus (clitoris) (97)." ".... I never dared touch the penis in erection except during intercourse. You'd court death otherwise, because they would get violent if you play with their erect penis too much (98)."

Berdaches frequently are available for sex with both unmarried adolescent boys and married men who occasionally seek out same sex partners. Because of this, female prostitution is not needed. Traditional berdaches were also available as sexual partners during hunts and in war parties (102). This was yet another reason why they were welcomed on these excursions.

During research on the Internet, I came across the website of Berdache Jordan, an "Other". His site is listed under "Hermaphrodite-The Other Gender" and he states he is a true genetic hermaphrodite, having the rare DNA karyotype XXXY (mosaic). He has both male and female characteristics. From a scientific standpoint one theory that explains his genetic makeup is that his mother produced two ova and the eggs were fertilized separately as fraternal twins. Sometime during the gestation, the two eggs merged. If one egg was destined to be male and the other female, the ambiguous gender of hermaphrodite could occur. There is a chance this could have been caused by incest, which is a distinct possibility in this case according to his writing. Another possible cause could have been fertility drugs, but these were not available at the time.

At the time of his birth, he was assigned as an "open birth" meaning the medical staff could not determine his sex. In a subsequent e-mail to me, he described himself as an "abandoned, premature miscarriage." Later he was given two birth certificates and finally was legally recorded as a male. He was given an ambiguous gender nickname along with both a girl's and a boy's name by his foster parents. During his years as a child growing up, several members of his family abused him in every way imaginable. At age sixteen, he was able to put a stop to the most invasive sexual abuse by taking massive doses of testosterone to maximize his secondary male sex characteristics. He was abused by both sexes and stated that there seemed to be a need for these people to live out their sexual fantasies with him as the victim.

Berdache Jordan alludes to having been in several all male environments such as the military, jails and prisons and passing as a macho male during that time. He states he did not succumb to homosexual relations during this time, even though they were common in prison, especially. He was too inhibited and traumatized by his abuse history.

"Actually, the only way I could even have a homosexual relationship would be to have sex with someone like myself (not likely)." He married and divorced two "normal" women and raised three children as a single parent. He writes eloquently about the pain and healing that have been the substance of his life. He is writing a book titled Masquerade which is close to publication.

In one of his e-mails, he wrote, "As to your 'I began to wonder how present day transgender people were feeling', I can't answer this as I am not now 'transforming to some other gender, nor am I transforming my biological sex (as in transsexual). I am intersexual, of both sexes." He goes on to explain his attempts to pass as masculine through hormone supplements and concludes with, "I contributed to society as a male, better perhaps than some who were born of the single male sex.

Were circumstances different I could have contributed and performed as a female too. How well we will never know, as I have the legal identity as a male, assigned by our western culture, which denies my existence except as a single sexed person. Every social application form has a limited answer to the blank Male----- Female-----. Choose one or we will. It is the path of least resistance... and the law. If your question above was addressed to me... how intersexuals are feeling, I would have to answer, denied, disenfranchised, occasionally happy, productive at times, sad and human X two."

After "meeting" this man via the Internet, the far-reaching possibilities of the berdache role began to shift and deepen for me. I was struck with the realization that although Berdache Jordan does not fit the precise definition of the word, there is a sense that this is the perfect title for him. It seemed perhaps to speak to some of psychological healing he seems to have done. It seems to imply a return to a healthy way of perceiving his existence on this planet. His journey must be a very difficult one and I like to think that having the ability to assume an identity that seems to suit him even if it is not totally accurate according to the literature seems right somehow.

There must be others like him and perhaps rekindling the traditional can help the healing process. In a world where differences are sought out and exaggerated, is this a traditional role that perhaps can embrace and empower those who would otherwise be without definition? Does the spiritual basis of the role give a sense of purpose and of belonging to the universal human family?

In the cold and sterile medical world, does the berdache role offer nurturing and being seen and appreciated for being different? In a society that must have people categorized, does the role provide a delicious array of variations? I like to think so.

 

References

Jacobs, Sue-Ellen, Wesley Thomas, and Sabine Long. Two-Spirit People. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1997.

Jordan, Berdache. A Berdache's Odyssey. 1997. Online. Internet. 4 April 1999. Available

Jordan,Berdache. "Re: Just Touching Base." E-mail to the author. 01 April 1999.

Roscoe,Will. Changing Ones: Third and Fourth Genders in Native North America.New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998.

Roscoe, Will, ed. Living the Spirit: A Gay American Indian Anthology. Complied by Gay American Indians. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1988.

---.The Zuni Man-Woman.Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1991.

Williams, Walter L.The Spirit and the Flesh, Sexual Diversity in the American Indian Culture.Boston: Beacon Press, 1986.



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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). A Native American Perspective on the Theory of Gender Continuum by DRK, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/a-native-american-perspective-on-the-theory-of-gender-continuum-by-drk

Last Updated: March 15, 2016

The Medical Management of Intersexed Children: An Analogue for Childhood Sexual Abuse

Introduction

Medical procedures have often been used as analogues for childhood sexual abuse (CSA) and have been seen as opportunities to observe children's memories of these experiences in a naturalistic context (Money, 1987; Goodman, 1990; Shopper, 1995; Peterson Bell, in press). Medical traumas share many of the critical elements of childhood abuse, such as fear, pain, punishment, and loss of control, and often result in similar psychological sequelae (Nir, 1985; Kutz, 1988; Shalev, 1993; Shopper, 1995). It has been difficult, however, to find a naturally occurring trauma which incorporates aspects thought to be critical to the phenomenon of forgotten/recovered memories: namely, secrecy, misinformation, betrayal by a caregiver, and dissociative processes. There has been the added difficulty of finding medical events that directly involve genital contact and which accurately reflect the family dynamic in which abuse occurs.

The study which has come closest to identifying the factors likely to be involved in children's recall of CSA is a study by Goodman et al. (1990) involving children who experienced a Voiding Cystourethrogram (VCUG) test to identify bladder dysfunction. Goodman's study was unique in its inclusion of direct, painful, and embarrassing genital contact, involving the child's being genitally penetrated and voiding in the presence of the medical staff. Goodman found that several factors led to greater forgetting of the event: embarrassment, lack of discussion of the procedure with parents, and PTSD symptoms. These are precisely the dynamics likely to operate in a familial abuse situation.

The medical management of intersexuality (a term encompassing a broad range of conditions including ambiguous genitalia and sexual karyotypes) has not been explored as a proxy for CSA, but may provide additional insights into the issues which surround childhood memory encoding, processing, and retrieval for sexual trauma. Like victims of CSA, children with intersex conditions are subjected to repeated genital traumas which are kept secret both within the family and in the culture surrounding it (Money, 1986, 1987; Kessler, 1990). They are frightened, shamed, misinformed, and injured. These children experience their treatment as a form of sexual abuse (Triea, 1994; David, 1995-6; Batz, 1996; Fraker, 1996; Beck, 1997), and view their parents as having betrayed them by colluding with the medical professionals who injured them (Angier, 1996; Batz, 1996; Beck, 1997). As in CSA, the psychological sequelae of these treatments include depression (Hurtig, 1983; Sandberg, 1989; Triea, 1994; Walcutt, 1995-6; Reiner, 1996), suicidal attempts (Hurtig, 1983; Beck, 1997), failure to form intimate bonds (Hurtig, 1983; Sandberg, 1989; Holmes, 1994; Reiner, 1996), sexual dysfunction (Money, 1987; Kessler, 1990; Slipjer, 1992; Holmes, 1994), body image disturbance (Hurtig, 1983; Sandberg, 1989) and dissociative patterns (Batz, 1996; Fraker, 1996; Beck, 1997). Although many physicians and researchers recommend counseling for their intersexed patients (Money, 1987, 1989; Kessler, 1990; Slipjer, 1994; Sandberg, 1989, 1995-6), patients rarely receive psychological intervention and are usually reported as being "lost to follow-up." Fausto-Sterling (1995-6) notes that "in truth our medical system is not set up to deliver counseling in any consistent, long-term fashion" (p. 3). As a result, the intersexed child is often entirely alone in dealing with the trauma of extended medical treatment.

In cases where the intersexed child is identifiable at birth, s/he is subjected to extensive testing physically, genetically, and surgically, to determine the sex most appropriate for rearing. Kessler (1990) notes that "physicians... imply that it is not the gender of the child that is ambiguous, but the genitals... the message in these examples is that the trouble lies in the doctor's ability to determine the gender, not in the gender per se. The real gender will presumably be determined/proven by testing and the "bad" genitals (which are confusing the situation for everyone) will be "repaired"." (p. 16). Although the child is repeatedly examined through puberty, there is often no explanation given for these frequent medical visits (Money, 1987, 1989; Triea, 1994; Sandberg, 1995-6; Walcutt, 1995-6; Angier, 1996; Beck, 1997). Because both parents and physicians view these treatments as necessary and beneficial to the child, the child's trauma in experiencing these procedures is often ignored. The underlying assumption is that children who do not remember their experiences are not negatively affected. However, medical procedures "may be experienced by a child or adolescent as a trauma, with the medical personnel considered as perpetrators in collusion with the parents... the long-range effects of these events may have serious and adverse effects on future development and psychopathology" (Shopper, 1995, p. 191).

Shame and Embarrassment

Goodman (1994) notes that sexuality is characterized in children's minds primarily in terms of embarrassment and fear. Children may thus respond to all situations that carry sexual connotation with embarrassment and shame. She suggests that " children come to react to situations that carry sexual connotation by becoming embarrassed-- a shame that they are taught to feel, without necessarily understanding the reasons why. Perhaps one of the first things children are taught to be embarrassed about concerning sexuality is the exposure of their own bodies to others" (p. 253-254). Children who had experienced more that one VCUG were more likely to have expressed fear and embarrassment about the most recent test and to have cried about it since it occurred. A few even denied that they had had the VCUG.

Children experiencing other types of genital medical procedures also experience their medical procedures as shameful, embarrassing, and frightening. Medical photography of the genitals (Money, 1987), genital examination in cases of precocious puberty and intersex conditions (Money, 1987), colposcopy and examination in a girl exposed to DES (Shopper, 1995), cystoscopy and catheterization (Shopper, 1995) and hypospadias repair (ISNA, 1994) may lead to symptoms highly correlated with CSA: dissociation (Young, 1992; Freyd, 1996), negative body-image (Goodwin, 1985; Young, 1992), and PTSD symptomology (Goodwin, 1985). One of Money's patients reported "I would be laying there with just a sheet over me and in would come about 10 doctors, and the sheet would come off, and they would be feeling around and discussing how much I had progressed... I was very, very petrified. Then the sheet would go back to over me and in would come some other doctors and they would do the same thing... That was scary. I was petrified. I've had nightmares about this..." (Money, p. 717)




Similar scenarios have been reported by other intersexuals (Holmes, 1994; Sandberg, 1995-6; Batz, 1996; Beck, 1997). Like CSA, repeated medical examinations follow a pattern which Lenore Terr calls Type II traumas: those that follow long-standing and repeated events. "The first such event, of course, creates surprise. But the subsequent unfolding of horrors creates a sense of anticipation. Massive attempts to protect the psyche and to preserve the self are put into gear... Children who have been victims of extended periods of terror come to learn that the stressful events will be repeated." (cited in Freyd, 1996, p. 15-16). Freyd (1996) proposes that "psychological torment caused by emotionally sadistic and invasive treatment or gross emotional neglect may be as destructive as other forms of abuse" (p. 133). Schooler (in press) noted that his subjects experienced their abuse as shameful, and suggests that shame may be a key factor in forgetting sexual abuse. "The possible role of shame in causing disturbing memories to be reduced in accessibility... might well resemble those sometimes proposed to be involved in repression" (p. 284). David, an adult intersexual, states "We are sexually traumatized in dramatically painful and terrifying ways and kept silent about it by the shame and fear of our families and society" (David, 1995-6). Most intersexuals are prevented by shame and stigma from discussing their condition with anyone, even members of their own family (ISNA, 1995). This enforced silence is likely to be a factor in how their memories of these events are understood and encoded.

Secrecy and Silence

Several theorists have postulated that secrecy and silence lead to the child's inability to encode the abuse events. Freyd (1996) suggests that memory for never-discussed events may be qualitatively different from memory for those that are, and Fivush (in press) notes that "When there is no narrative framework... this may well change children's understanding and organization of the experience, and ultimately their ability to provide a detailed and coherent account" (p. 54). Silence may not impede the formation of the initial memory, but lack of discussion may lead to decay of the memory or failure to incorporate the information into the individual's autobiographical knowledge of self (Nelson, 1993, cited in Freyd, 1996).

When a child suffers a trauma, many parents attempt to prevent the child from focusing on it in hopes that this will minimize the impact of the event. Some children are actively told to forget the trauma; others are simply not given room to voice their experiences. This dynamic operates especially forcefully in the case of intersexed children (Malin, 1995-6). "Never mind, just don't think about it" was the advice of the few people to whom I spoke of it, including two female therapists," states Cheryl Chase. Her parents' only communication with her regarding her intersex status was to tell her that her clitoris had been enlarged, and so it had to be removed. "Now everything is fine. But don't ever tell this to anyone else," they said (Chase, 1997). Linda Hunt Anton (1995) notes that parents "cope by not talking about "it", hoping to lessen the trauma for [the child]. Just the opposite happens. The girl may conclude from the adults' silence that the subject is taboo, too terrible to talk about, and so she refrains from sharing her feelings and concerns" (p. 2). Both Malmquist (1986) and Shopper have put similar views forth (1995), noting that a child may view the adults' silence as an explicit demand for his or her own silence. Slipjer (1994) noted that parents were reluctant to bring their intersexed children to outpatient check-ups because the hospital served as a reminder of the syndrome they were trying to forget (p. 15).

Money (1986) reports cases in which "the hermaphroditic child was treated differently than a sexually normal child, in such a way as to signify that she was special, different, or freakish -- for example, by keeping the child at home and forbidding her to play with neighborhood children, placing a veto on communications about the hermaphroditic condition, and telling children in the family to lie or be evasive about the reasons for travelling long-distance for clinic visits" (p. 168). The Intersex Society of North America (ISNA), a peer support and advocacy group for intersexuals, notes that "This "conspiracy of silence" ... in fact exacerbates the predicament of the intersexual adolescent or young adult who knows that s/he is different, whose genitals have often been mutilated by "reconstructive" surgery, whose sexual functioning has been severely impaired, and whose treatment history has made clear that acknowledgement or discussion of [his or her] intersexuality violates a cultural and a family taboo" (ISNA, 1995).

Benedek (1985) notes that even therapists may fail to ask about traumatic events. The victim of trauma may view this as a statement by the therapist that these issues are not safe topics for discussion or that the therapist does not want to hear about them. She suggests that retelling and replaying stories is one way for the victim to gain mastery over the experience and to incorporate it (p. 11). Given the infrequency of such discussions, it is not surprising that both CSA victims and intersexuals often experience negative psychological sequelae as a consequence of their experiences.

Misinformation

Alternatively, the abuser's reframing of reality ("this is just a game", "you really want this to happen", "I'm doing this to help you") may lead to the child's lack of comprehension and storage of the memory of the abuse. Like CSA victims, intersexual children are routinely misinformed about their experiences (Kessler, 1990; David, 1994, 1995-6; Holmes, 1994, 1996; Rye, 1996; Stuart, 1996). Parents may be encouraged to keep the child's condition from him or her, with the justification that "informing the child of the condition prior to puberty has an undermining effect on its self-esteem" (Slipjer, 1992, p. 15). Parents are often misinformed themselves regarding the procedures being enacted on their children as well as the possible outcomes for their child. One medical professional (Hill, 1977) recommends "Tell parents emphatically that their child will not grow up with abnormal sexual desires, for the layman gets hermaphroditism and homosexuality hopelessly confused" (p. 813). In contrast, ISNA's statistics suggest that "a large minority of intersexuals develop into gay, lesbian, or bisexual adults or choose to change sex -- regardless of whether or not early surgical repair or reassignment was performed" (ISNA, 1995).




Angela Moreno was told at 12 that she had to have her ovaries removed for health reasons, although her parents had been given the information about her true condition. Angela has Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome (AIS), a condition in which an XY fetus fails to respond to androgens in utero and is born with normal appearing external female genitalia. At puberty, the undescended testes began to produce testosterone, resulting in the enlargement of her clitoris. "It was never addressed to me that they were going to amputate my clitoris. I woke up in a haze of Demerol and felt the gauze, the dried blood. I just couldn't believe they would do this to me without telling me" (Batz, 1996).

Max Beck was carted to New York every year for medical treatment. "As I reached puberty, it was explained to me that I was a woman, but I was not yet finished... We'd head home again [after a treatment] and not talk about it for a year until we went again.... I knew this didn't happen to my friends" (Fraker, 1996, p.16). This lack of comprehension and explanation for the events happening to the child may result in their inability to make sense of their experiences and to encode them in a meaningful way. Parental and physician emphasis on the benefit of the medical procedures may also result in emotional dissonance which impedes the child's ability to process the experience; the child feels hurt, while being told that he or she is being helped.

Dissociation and Body Estrangement

Examining intersexed children's memories for their medical treatments may shed some light on the processes by which a child comes to understand traumatic events involving his/her body, and offers a unique opportunity to document what happens over time to the memory of these events. Because the child lacks the ability to comprehend the crossing of this body boundary as anything but destructive, regardless of the intents of parents and the medical community, genital procedures in childhood may have the same affective valence as CSA. As Leslie Young (1992) notes, the symptoms of sexual trauma are rooted in the issue of living comfortably (or not) in the body.

[T]he boundary between "inside me" and "outside me" is not simply physically crossed against a person's will and best interests but "disappeared" ... - not simply ignored but "made-never-to-have-existed." To physically challenge or compromise my boundaries threatens me, as a living organism, with annihilation; what is "outside me" has now, seemingly, entered me, occupied me, reshaped and redefined me, made me foreign to myself by conflating and confusing inside me with outside me. Of necessity this assault is experienced by me as hateful, malevolent, and entirely personal, regardless of the intentions of any human agents involved. (p. 91)

This confusion may be especially acute in intersexed children, whose bodies are quite literally reshaped and redefined through genital surgery and repeated medical treatments.

Among criteria listed as triggers for dissociative episodes during trauma, Kluft (1984) included "(a) the child fears for his or her own life... (c) the child's physical intactness and/or clarity of consciousness is breached or impaired, (d) the child is isolated with these fears, and (e) the child is systematically misinformed, or "brainwashed" about his or her situation." (cited in Goodwin, 1985, p. 160). Undoubtedly all of these factors come into play during the intersexed child's medical treatment; the child, having been told little or nothing regarding the rationale for the surgery and examinations, is fearful for his/her life, the child's genitals are surgically removed and/or altered, representing a clear breach of physical intactness, the child is isolated with fears and questions about what has happened to his or her body (and what will happen in the future), and the child is given information which does not reflect the true nature of the treatment or the details of the procedures.

Both Angela Moreno and Max Beck report extensive dissociative episodes. "I was a walking head for most of my adolescence" recalls Max (Fraker, 1996, p. 16). Moreno reports that "After years of therapy, she finally feels like she's in her body, filling out her skin and not just floating" (Batz, 1996). These statements are similar to those of CSA victims who report separating themselves emotionally from their bodies in order to withstand a physical violation. The woman subjected to repeated colposcopies reports that she "survived the vaginal examinations by completely dissociating herself from the lower half of her body -- that is, becoming "numb" below the waist, without sensations or feelings" (Shopper, 1995, p. 201). Freyd (1996) calls dissociation "a reasonable response to an unreasonable situation" (p. 88). Layton (1995) notes that fragmentation is a likely outcome of experiences such as these: "... if the mirror of the world does not reflect your smile back to you, but rather shatters at the sight of you, you, too, will shatter" (p. 121). Dissociative response appears to operate as a defense and consequence in both CSA and medical procedures.

Betrayal Trauma

Jennifer Freyd (1996) has proposed that forgetting of the experience is more likely to occur when the child relies on and must maintain a close relationship with the perpetrator. Betrayal trauma posits that there are seven factors predicting amnesia:
1. abuse by caregiver
2. explicit threats demanding silence 3. alternative realities in environment (abuse context different from nonabuse context)
4. isolation during abuse
5. young at age of abuse
6. alternative reality-defining statements by caregiver
7. lack of discussion of abuse. (Freyd, p. 140)
Certainly these factors operate in the medical management of intersexed children. Shopper (1995) suggests that medical procedures are "similar to those of child sexual abuse in the sense that within the family there is often a manifest denial of the child's traumatic reality. From the child's perspective, the family is seen as being in tacit collusion with the perpetrators (medical staff) of the traumatic procedures. This perception may lead to strong rage reactions against the parents, as well as affecting the sense of trust in the parents' ability to protect and buffer" (p. 203). Conversely, the child may stifle the recognition of this betrayal in order to keep the relationship with his or her parents intact. Freyd (1996) notes that "registration of external reality can be deeply affected by the need to preserve the love of others, especially if the others are parents or trusted caregivers" (p. 26). She also notes that the degree to which the child is dependent on the perpetrator, and the more power the caregiver has over the child, the more likely the trauma is to be a form of betrayal. "This betrayal by a trusted caregiver is the core factor in determining amnesia for a trauma" (p. 63).




In either case, the child's relationship with parents may be damaged. This may occur at the time of the trauma if the child holds the parent responsible for failing to protect him or her from the painful experiences, or later when the child recovers or reinterprets these early experiences. Freyd (1996) suggests that some people realize the full impact of the event when they realize the betrayal, either by forming a new understanding of the event or in recovering the event of the betrayal (p. 5). The way in which events are internally evaluated and labeled may be a key component of such recovery experiences (p. 47). Joy Diane Schaffer (1995-6) suggests that parents of intersexed children should be given full informed consent, including the fact that "there is no evidence whatsoever that intersexed children benefit from genital surgery.... Parents should also be routinely informed that many intersexed adults who received childhood genital surgery consider themselves to have been harmed by the procedure, and are frequently estranged from their parents as a result" (p. 2).

Directions for Future Research

Children treated for intersex conditions within the medical establishment experience many of the same types of trauma as children who are sexually abused. A study of intersexed children's experiences of their treatment and their memory for these events is likely to more closely approximate the experience of childhood sexual abuse than studies done to date for several reasons. The medical management of intersex conditions involves direct contact with the child's genitals by a person in power over the child, and with the cooperation of his/her parents. The procedures are painful, confusing, and repeated. The family dynamics of the child's situation also parallel those in familial abuse: children are routinely silenced or misinformed about what is happening to them and parents are held responsible for the harm that is done. Finally, the outcomes of these experiences result in remarkably similar negative psychological sequelae, including depression, body image disruption, dissociative patterns, sexual dysfunction, intimacy issues, suicide attempts, and PTSD.

Research design in a study of intersexual children's experiences of medical treatment would afford distinct advantages for the memory researcher over those done to date. A fundamental criticism of past studies has been the difficulty in establishing "objective truth" regarding episodes of CAS. Because abuse is usually hidden, unless the child comes to the attention of the authorities, no documentation exists to show what events occurred. Critics of retrospective studies point out that it is therefore virtually impossible to compare the adult account with actual childhood events (the major exception to this rule being studies done by Williams, 1994a,b). In the case of intersex treatment, the researcher would have access to extensive medical documentation regarding the procedures and the child's responses while in the clinic or hospital. Intersex children could be interviewed at the time of procedures and followed longitudinally to see what happens to their memories of these events as they grow into adulthood. This would allow a more process-oriented approach to the problem of childhood memory of these traumatic experiences (How do children understand and encode trauma in the absence of external support or in the presence of misinformation? What is the effect of mood on memory processing? What is the role of parental interaction?) as well as adult recollection (How does the meaning of the trauma change over time? What is the long-term effect on the child's social and emotional development? What happens to the family dynamic when adults research their medical conditions and discover that they have been misinformed?). An observation of these children's emotional and cognitive strategies for dealing with their medical treatment may shed some light on how these processes operate for victims of child sexual abuse.


Editor's note: Tamara Alexander has been wedded in spirit to ISNA member Max Beck for almost four years. The couple make their home in Atlanta, Ga. When she is not writing papers and working on planning for a baby, Tamara is busy raising their four cats, a dog, and the consciousness of emory psychology undergraduates. Partners of intersexuals are welcome to contact her for mutual support.

© 1977 Copyright Tamara Alexander

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© 1977 Copyright Tamara Alexander



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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). The Medical Management of Intersexed Children: An Analogue for Childhood Sexual Abuse, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/the-medical-management-of-intersexed-children-an-analogue-for-childhood-sexual-abuse

Last Updated: March 15, 2016

Management of Intersexuality

Guidelines for dealing with individuals with ambiguous genitalia

by Milton Diamond, Ph.D. and H. Keith Sigmundson, M.D.

from the Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine

Following publication of our paper on a classic case of sex reassignment [1] the media attention was rapid and widespread e.g., [2-4] and so too the reaction of many clinicians.

Some wanted to comment or ask questions but many contacted us directly or indirectly [e.g., [5] asking for specific guidelines on how to manage cases of traumatized or ambiguous genitalia.

Below we offer our suggestions. We first, however, add this caveat: These recommendations are based on our experiences, the input of some trusted colleagues, the comments of intersexed persons of various etiologies and the best interpretation of our reading of the literature. Some of these suggestions are contrary to today's common management procedures. We believe, however, that many of those procedures should be modified. These guidelines are not offered lightly. We anticipate that time and experience will dictate that some aspects be changed and such revisions will improve the next set of guidelines to be offered. Underlying our presentation is the key belief that the patients themselves must be involved in any decision as to something so crucial to their lives. We accept that not every one will welcome this opportunity or these suggestions.

GUIDELINES

Foremost, we advocate use of the terms "typical," "usual," or "most frequent" where it is more common to use the term "normal." When possible avoid expressions like maldeveloped or undeveloped, errors of development, defective genitals, abnormal, or mistakes of nature. Emphasize that all of these conditions are biologically understandable while they are statistically uncommon. It helps in discussion with parents and child that they come to accept the genital condition as normal although atypical. Individuals with these genitalia are not freaks but biological varieties commonly referred to as intersexes. Indeed, it is our understanding of natural diversity that a wide offering of sex types and associated etiologies should be anticipated (see e.g., [6, 7] ). Our overall theme is to destigmatize the conditions.

1) In all cases of ambiguous genitalia, to establish most probable cause, do a complete history and physical. The physical must include careful evaluation of the gonads and the internal as well as external genital structures. Genetic and endocrine evaluations are usually needed and interpretation can require the assistance of a pediatric endocrinologist, radiologist and urologist. Pelvic ultrasonography and genitography may be required. Do not hesitate to seek expert help; a team effort is best. The history must include assessment of the immediate and extended family.

Be rapid in this decision making but take as much time as needed. Hospitals should have established House Staff Operating Procedures to be followed in such cases. Many consider this a medical emergency (and in cases of electrolyte imbalance this may be immediately so) nevertheless, we believe that most doubt should be resolved before a final determination is made. We simultaneously advise that all births be accompanied by a full genital inspection. Many cases of intersex go undetected.

2) Immediately, and simultaneously with the above, advise parents of the reasons for the delay. Full and honest disclosure is best and counseling must start directly. Insure that the parents understand this condition is a natural variety of intersex that is uncommon or rare but not unheard of. Convey strongly to the parents that they are not at fault for the development and the child can have a full, productive and happy life. Repeat this counseling at the next opportunity and as often as needed.

3) The child's condition is nothing to be ashamed of but it is also nothing to be broadcast as a hospital curiosity. The child and family confidentiality must be respected.

4) In the most common cases, those of hypospadias and congenital adrenal hyperplasia (C.A.H.) diagnosis should be rapid and clear. In other situations, with a known diagnosis, declare sex based on the most likely outcome for the child involved. Encourage the parents to accept this as best; their desire as to sex of assignment is secondary. The child remains the patient. When assignment is based on the most likely outcome, most children will adapt and accept their gender assignment and it will coincide with their sexual identity.

5) The sex of assignment, when based on the nature of the diagnosis rather than only considering the size or functionality of the phallus, respects the idea that the nervous system involved in adult sexuality has been influenced by genetic and endocrine events that will most likely become manifest with or after puberty. In the majority of cases this sex of assignment will indeed be in concert with the appearance of the genitalia (e.g., in A.I.S. [8] . In certain childhood situations, however, such assignment will be counter to the genital appearance (e.g., for reductase deficiency [9] . Our concern is primarily how the individual will develop and prefer to live post puberty when he or she becomes most sexually active.




Rear as male:

XY individuals with Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome (A.I.S.) (Grades 1-3)

XX individuals with Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia (C.A.H.) with extensively fused labia and a penile clitoris

XY individuals with Hypospadias

Persons with Klinefelter syndrome

XY individuals with Micropenis

XY individuals with 5-alpha or 17-beta reductase deficiency

Rear as female:

XY individuals with Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome (A.I.S.) (Grades 4-7)

XX individuals with Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia (C.A.H.) with hypertrophied clitoris

XX individuals with Gonadal dysgenesis

XY individuals with Gonadal dysgenesis

Persons with Turner's syndrome

For those individuals with mixed gonadal dysgenesis (MGD) assign male or female dependent upon the size of the phallus and extent of the labia/scrotum fusion. The genital appearance of individuals with MGD can range from that of a typical Turner's syndrome to that of a typical male. Evaluation of high male-like testosterone levels in these cases is also rationale for male assignment.

True hermaphrodites should be assigned male or female dependent upon the size of the phallus and extent of the labia/scrotum fusion. If there is a micropenis, assign as male.

Admittedly, in some cases a clear diagnosis is not possible, the genital appearance will seem equally male as female and prediction as to future development and gender preference is difficult. There is little evidence a poorly functioning clitoris and vagina is any better than a poorly functioning penis and there is no higher reason to save the reproductive capacity of ovaries over testes. In such difficult cases, whichever decision is made, the likelihood of the individual independently switching gender remains. The medical team in such cases will be taxed to make the best management decision.

6) While sex determination is ongoing, the hospital administration can wait for a final diagnosis before entering a sex of record and Staff can refer to the child as "Infant Jones" or "Baby Brown." After a sex designation has been made, naming and registration can occur. In those cases mentioned above, where prediction of future outcome is in doubt, parents might consider that a name be used that is appropriate for either males or females (e.g., Lee, Terry, Kim, Francis, Lynn, etc.).

7) Perform no major surgery for cosmetic reasons alone; only for conditions related to physical/medical health. This will entail a great deal of explanation needed for the parents who will want their children to "look normal." Explain to them that appearances during childhood, while not typical of other children, may be of less importance than functionality and post pubertal erotic sensitivity of the genitalia. Surgery can potentially impair sexual/erotic function. Therefore such surgery, which includes all clitoral surgery and any sex reassignment, should typically wait until puberty or after when the patient is able to give truly informed consent.

Major prolonged steroid hormone administration (other than for management of C.A.H.) too should require informed consent. Many intersex or sex reassigned individual's have felt they were not consulted about their use and effects and regretted the results.

8) In individuals with A.I.S, do not remove gonads for fear of potential tumor growth; such tumors have not been reported to occur in prepubertal children. Retention of the gonads will forestall the need for hormone replacement therapy and possibly help reduce osteoporosis.

Furthermore, delaying gonadectomy until after puberty will allow the young woman to come to terms with her diagnosis, understand the reason for her surgery and participate in the decision.

Advice regarding gonad removal from true hermaphrodites, individuals with streak gonads and others where malignancies can potentially occur is not so clear. Prophylactically it is common to remove these early; particularly in cases of gonadal dysgenesis [10, 11] .

Watchful waiting with frequent checks is always prudent [12] . Our suggestion, whenever the gonads are removed, is to explain as best as possible why the procedure is needed and attempt to get consent. If the child is too young to understand the reason for the surgery, its necessity should be explained as early as possible.

9) In rearing, parents must be consistent in seeing their child as either a boy or girl; not neuter. In our society intersex is a designation of medical fact but not yet a commonly accepted social designation. With age and experience, however, an increasing number of hermaphroditic and pseudohermaphroditic individuals are adopting this identification. In any case, advise parents to allow their child free expression as to choices in toy selection, game preference, friend association, future aspirations and so forth.




10) Offer advice and tips on how to meet anticipated situations, e.g., how to deal with grandparents, siblings, baby sitters and others that might question the child's genital appearance (e.g., "He/she is different but normal. When the child is older he/she and the doctors will do what seems best.") Parents should minimize the opportunities for such questioning by strangers.

11) Be clear that the child is special and, in some cases might, before or after puberty, accept life as a tomboy or a sissy or even switch gender altogether. The individual may demonstrate androphilic, gynecophilic or ambiphilic orientation. These behaviors are not due to poor parental supervision but will be related to an interaction of the biological, psychological, social and cultural forces to which a child with intersexuality is subject. Some individuals will be quite sexually active and others will be altogether reserved and have little or no interest in sexual relationships.

12) The patient's special situation will require guidance as to how to meet potential challenges from parents, peers and strangers. He or she will need love and friendly support.

Not all parents will be helpful, understanding, or benign and childhood, adolescent, and adult peers can be cruel. Positive peer interaction should be facilitated and encouraged.

13) Maintain contact with family so that counsel is available particularly at crucial times.

Counseling should be multi-staged (at birth, and at least again at age two, at school entry, prior to and during pubertal changes, and yearly during adolescence) and it should be detailed and honest. Counseling should be straight-forward, neither patronizing or paternalistic, to parents and to the child as he or she develops with as much full disclosure as the parents and child can absorb. The counseling should ideally be by those trained in sexual/gender/intersex matters.

14) As the child matures there must be opportunity for private counseling sessions and it is essential the door remains open for additional consultation as needed. On the one hand, the full impact of the situation will not always be immediately apparent to the parents or child. On the other hand, they might magnify the developmental potential of the genital ambiguity. As above, the counseling should ideally be by those trained in sexual/gender/intersex matters.

15) Counseling must include developmental sequelae to be anticipated. This should be along medical/biological lines and along social/psychological lines. Do not avoid honest and frank talk of sexual and erotic matters. Discuss the probabilities of puberty such as the presence or absence of menses and the potential for fertility or infertility. Contraception advice may be needed and safe-sex advice is always warranted. Certainly the full gamut of heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual and even celibate options --however these are interpreted by the patient-- must be offered and candidly discussed. Adoption possibilities can be broached for those that will be infertile. It is better to discuss these issues early rather than late. Do not obfuscate; knowledge is power enabling the individuals to structure their lives accordingly.

16) The family should be encouraged to openly discuss the situation among themselves, with and without a counselor present, so the child and parents can honestly come to terms with whatever the future holds. Parents have to understand their child's needs and feelings and the child has to understand the concerns of the parents.

17) As early as possible put the family in touch with a support group. There are such groups for individuals with Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome, Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia, Klinefelter Syndrome, and Turner's Syndrome. Intersexed individuals as a whole (hermaphrodites and pseudohermaphrodites of all etiologies) have a support group, the Intersex Society of North America [addresses for these groups are listed below]. It is emphasized that one on one contact with another person having similar experiences can be the most uplifting factor in an intersexed person's healthy development!

Individual groups or chapters might be more inclined toward parental concerns while others might be tilted toward the intersexed person's concerns. Both perspectives are needed and separate meetings for each faction are useful. Parents need to talk about their feelings in an environment free of intersexed children and adults and the intersexed children and adults similarly need to be able to discuss their feelings and concerns free of their parents. There are times when it is appropriate for physicians to be present and times when it is not.

18) Keep genital inspection to a minimum and request permission for inspection even from a child. Hold in mind that a child may not feel able to deny a physician's request even though that might be his/her wish. The individuals must come to realize that their genitals are their own and they, not the doctors, parents or anyone else, have control over them. Allow others to view the patient only with his or her permission. Often the genital inspections themselves become traumatic events.

19) Let the child grow and develop as normally as possible with a minimum of interference other than needed for medical care and counseling. Let him/her know that help is available if needed. Listen to the patient; even when as a child. The physician should be seen as a friend.

With increasing maturity the designation of intersex may be acceptable to some and not to others. It should be offered as an optional identity along with male and female.

20) As puberty approaches be open and honest with the endocrine and surgical options and life choices available. Be candid at the sexual/erotic and other trade-offs involved with surgery or gender change and insure that any decision finally be that of the fully informed individual regardless of age. To have him/her discuss the treatment with someone who has undergone the procedure is ideal.




21) Most individuals are convinced by the age of 10-15 as to the direction that would be most suitable for them; male or female. Some decisions, however, should be stalled as long as possible to increase the likelihood that the individual has some experience with which to judge. For instance, a female with a phallic clitoris, sexually inexperienced with partner or masturbation, may not realize the loss in genital sensitivity and responsivity that can accompany cosmetic clitoral reduction. Insure that sufficient information is provided to aid in any decision.

22) Most intersex conditions can remain without any surgery at all. A woman with a phallus can enjoy her hypertrophied clitoris and so can her partner. Women with the androgen insensitivity syndrome or virilizing congenital adrenal hyperplasia who have smaller than usual vaginas can be advised to use pressure dilation to fashion one to facilitate coitus; a woman with partial A.I.S. likewise can enjoy a large clitoris. A male with hypospadias might have to sit to urinate without mishap but can function sexually without surgery. An individual with a micropenis can satisfy a partner and father children.

There is disagreement as to whether gonads that might prove masculinizing or feminizing at puberty should be removed early on to prevent such changes in a child that does not desire such changes. The disagreement involves the concept that the individual faced with such changes might actually come to prefer them to the habitus of rearing but will only become aware of them post hoc. Our bias is to leave them in so any genetic-endocrine predisposition imposed prenatally can come to be activated with puberty. We admit, however, there is no good body of clinical data from which the best prognosis can be made in such cases. There are some indications, however, that even without the onads the adrenals might prod pubertal changes.

23) If a gender change is being considered, have the individual experience a real-life living test (see e.g., [13, 14] ). In this way the individual will have first hand experience in how it actually is to live in the other role. Experience has shown that most indeed make the switch permanent but some return to their original sex of rearing. Some, usually as adults, will accept an identity as an intersex and plot their own course.

24) Maintain accurate medical, surgical, and psychotherapy records of all aspects of each case. This will facilitate whatever treatment is needed and assist in future research to enhance management of subsequent intersex cases. These records should be available to the patient.

Whenever possible, long term follow-up evaluations, e.g., at 5, 10, 15, and even 20 years of age, should become part of the record.

25) Last, we believe we have to be "authorities" in providing information and advice to the best of our ability yet not be "authoritarian" in our actions. We must allow the postpubertal individual time to consider, reflect, discuss and evaluate and then, have the last word in his or her genital modification and gender role and final sex assignment.

FINAL COMMENT

We are often asked about those intersexed individuals that have had early surgery of one sort or another, or even sex reassignment, and gone on to be happy and lead successful lives. Doesn't that demonstrate the wisdom of past practices? Our response: Humans can be immensely strong and adaptable. Certainly some intersexed individuals can, in dignity, maintain themselves in a manner that they neither would have chosen nor in which they feel comfortable -- as have others with a life condition from birth that cannot be changed (from cleft palate to meningomyelocele).

Many can adjust to surgery and reassignment for which they were not consulted and many have learned to accept secrecy, misrepresentations, white and black lies and loneliness.

People make life accommodations every day and try to better their lot for tomorrow.

We are aware of individuals that have come to terms with their life regardless of how stressed or painful. To them we offer our praise and admiration for their fortitude, strength and courage. Similarly we do the same for those that have rebelled against their circumstances and changed their lives with elective sex reassignment, surgery or whatever [15].

However, unlike individuals who have been given neonatal surgery for cleft palate or meningomyelocele, many of those who have had genital surgery or been sex reassigned neonatally have complained bitterly of the treatment. Some have sex reassigned themselves. Others treated similarly have reasons not to make an issue of the matter but are living in silent despair but coping.

The suggestions and guidelines we present are an attempt to consider ways to better life and adjustment for those intersexed and genitally traumatized persons still battling with these issues and for those yet to come.

Milton Diamond, Ph.D., is Director of the Pacific Center for Sex and Society, University of Hawaii at Manoa, John A. Burns School of Medicine, Department of Anatomy and Reproductive Biology, 1951 East-West Road Honolulu, HI 96822




 

next: Sexual Scientists Question Medical Treatment of Hermaphroditism

 

REFERENCES

We have purposely kept our references limited to facilitate use of these guidelines and reduce

complexity.

1. Diamond M, Sigmundson HK: Sex Reassignment at Birth: A Long Term Review and Clinical Implications. Archives of Pediatrics and Adolescent Medicine 1997; 151(March): 298-304.

2. Leo J: Boy, girl, boy again. U.S. News World Report, 1997; 17.

3. Gorman C: A boy without a penis. Time, vol. 1997, 1997; 83.

4. Angier N: Sexual identity not pliable after all, report says. New York Times 1997 14 March 1997; A1, A18.

5. Benjamin JT: Letter -to-editor. Archive of Pediatric and Adolescent Medicine 1997; 151.

6. Fausto-Sterling A: The Five Sexes: Why Male and Female Are Not Enough. The Sciences 1993; 1993(March/April): 20-25.

7. Diamond M, Binstock T, Kohl JV: From fertilization to adult sexual behavior. Hormones and Behavior 1996; 30(December): 333-353.

8. Quigley C, De Bellis A, Merschke KB, El-Awady MK, Wilson EM, French FS: Androgen Receptor Defects: Historical, Clinical and Molecular Perspectives. Endocrine Reviews 1995; 16(3): 271-321.

9. Imperato-McGinley J: 5-alpha-reductase deficiency. In: Bardin CW, ed. Current Therapy in Endocrinology and Metabolism, 5th ed. St. Louis, Mo.: C. V. Mosby, 1994; 351-354.

10. Donahoe PK, Crawford JD, Hendren WH: Mixed gonadal dysgenesis, pathogenesis, and management. Journal of Pediatric Surgery 1979; 14: 287-300.

11. McGillivray BC: Genetic aspects of ambiguous genitalia. Pediatric Clinics of North America 1992; 39(2): 307-317.

12. Wright NB, Smith C, Rickwood AM, Carty HM: Imaging children with ambiguous genitalia and intersex states. Clinical Radiology 1995; 50(12): 823-829.

13. Clemmensen LH: The "Real-life Test" for Surgical Candidates. In: Blanchard R, Steiner

BW, eds. Clinical Management of Gender Identity Disorders in Children and Adults, vol. 14.

Washington, D.C.: American Psychiatric Press, 1990; 121-135.

14. Meyer JK, Hoopes JE: The Gender Dysphoria Syndromes: A Position Statement on So-Called Transsexualism. Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery 1974; 54: 444-451.

15. Diamond M: Sexual Identity and Sexual Orientation in Children With Traumatized or Ambiguous Genitalia. Journal of Sex Research 1997; 34(2): 199-222.

 

INTERSEX SUPPORT GROUPS

For addresses or contact with groups outside the United States contact one of the groups below.

 

AIS (Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome) Support Group of the U.S.

A support group for those with AIS, also their family and partners.

4203 Genessee Ave. #103-436

San Diego, CA 92117-4950

Phone: (619) 569-5254

email: aissg@aol.com

Ambiguous Genitalia Support Network

A support group for parents and others.

428 East Elm St. #4D

Lodi, CA 95240

 




 

CAH Support Groups

 

For individuals or families with congenital adrenal hyperplasia

National Adrenal Diseases Foundation

505 Northern Boulevard

Great Neck, NY 11021

Phone: (516) 487-4992

web site: http://medhlp.netusa.net/www/nadf.htm

Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia Support Association

 

1302 County Road 4

Wrenshall, MN 55797

Phone: (218) 384-3863

H.E.L.P. (Hermaphrodite Education and Listening Post)

A support group for parents and others affected by any sex differentiation disorder.

PO Box 26292

Jacksonville, FL 32226

web site: http://www.isna.org/faq.html#anchor643405

email: help@southeast.net

Intersex Society of North America

A peer support and advocacy group of and for intersexuals.

PO Box 31791

San Francisco CA 94131

email: info@isna.org

web site: http://www.isna.org

K. S. Associates (Klinefelter syndromes of all variety)

A support and education group for families and professionals dealing with Klinefelter syndrome.

P.O. Box 119

Roseville, CA 95661-0119

web site: http://www.genetic.org/

email: ks47xxy@ix.netcom.com

Turner's Syndrome Society of the U.S.

A support group for those with Turner's syndrome, their family and friends.

1313 Southeast 5th Street (Suite 327)

Minneapolis MN 55414

Phone: 1-(800) 365-9944

Fax: (612) 379-3619

web site: http://www.turner-syndrome-us.org

 

 




GENERAL SUPPORT GROUPS

National Organization for Rare Disorders (NORD)

 

Support and educational group for those concerned with any rare disorder:

P.O. Box 8923

New Fairfield, CT 06812-8923

Phone: (800) 999-NORD

Fax: (203) 746-6518

http://www.pcnet.com/~orphan/

Our-kids

Support group for parents of children with any sort of special need:

web site: http://wonder.mit.edu/our-kids.html

PFLAG (Parents and Friends of Lesbians and Gays)

A support group for parents and friends of lesbians and gays.

1012-14th Street NW, Suite 700

Washington, DC 20005

Phone: (202) 638-4200

email: PFLAGNTL @ aol.com

 

SEXUALITY/GENDER/INTERSEX COUNSELORS

Appropriate counselors might be contacted at one of these national organizations.

 

American Academy of Clinical Sexologists (AACS)

P.O. Box 1166

Winter Park, Florida 32790-1166

Phone: (800) 533-3521

Fax: (407) 628-5293

American Association of Sex Educators, Counselors and Therapists (AASECT)

P.O. Box 238, Mount Vernon, Iowa 52314

Phone (319) 895-8407

Fax (319) 895-6203

Society for the Scientific Study of Sexuality (SSSS)

P.O. Box 208, Mount Vernon, Iowa 52314

Phone (319) 895-8407

Fax (319) 895-6203

Society for Sex Therapy and Research (SSTAR)

Secretary: Blanche Freund, Ph.D., R.N.

419 Poinciana Island Drive

N. Miami Beach FL 33160-4531

Phone: 305 243-3113

Fax 305 919-8383



next: Sexual Scientists Question Medical Treatment of Hermaphroditism
~ all inside intersexuality articles
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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Management of Intersexuality, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/management-of-intersexuality

Last Updated: March 15, 2016

Genital Surgery On Intersexed Children

This letter was sent from Cheryl Chase, Exec. Dir., Intersex Society of North America to a judge in Columbia, South America.

7 February 1998

Mr. Rodrigo Uprimny
Corte Constitucional
Calle 72 No 7-96
Bogotá
COLOMBIA SOUTH AMERICA

Dear Mr. Uprimny,

Thank you for providing the opportunity to comment on this case. As I understand the case, physicians have asked for the Court to either approve performing genital surgery on a six year old intersexed child, or to wait and allow the child to make any decisions about surgery herself, when she is old enough to evaluate risks and benefits. Apparently the surgery contemplated is clitoral reduction, vaginoplasty (to create or deepen a vagina), or both. In a previous case regarding an emasculated boy, the Court determined that all choices involving sexual identity must be made directly by the person, and not by the parents.

We argue, in keeping with the Court's previous determination, that only the child has the right to make decisions regarding her sexual identity and cosmetic genital surgery. To impose surgery on her would subject her to an unnecessary risk of irreversible harm and violate her human rights.

During the past several years, there has been an explosion of new scholarly work which considers medical management of intersex children, and the surrounding psychosocial issues. Based upon that work, a growing consensus of surgeons, psychologists, psychiatrists, and ethicists argue against early genital surgery on intersex children (Diamond 1996; Diamond and Sigmundson 1997b; Dreger 1997a; Dreger 1998 forthcoming-a; Drescher 1997; Kessler 1998 forthcoming; Schober 1998). It would be a pity for the Court to create a precedent insulating doctors from any liability for harm caused by performing non-consensual genital surgery on children precisely at the moment when scholarly opinion is changing. It would be even more ironic for the Court at this moment to reverse its previous opinion, and negate the right of a child to make for herself all decisions regarding her sexual identity.

Given the fact that genital surgery is not medically necessary, that it is irreversible and potentially harmful, that there is growing controversy among medical intersex specialists, and that the child can always choose surgery if she wishes when she is old enough to give informed consent, to impose surgery now would violate the first principle of medicine: "Primum, non nocerum" (First, do no harm).

Please refer also to enclosed Declarations from Cheryl Chase (Director of the Intersex Society), Justine Schober M.D. (pediatric urological surgeon), Alice Dreger Ph.D. (narrative ethicist), and Lisset Barcellos Cardenas (a Peruvian woman subjected to nonconsensual genital surgery at age 12). All of these argue that cosmetic genital surgery should never be performed without the express informed consent of the patient. Also enclosed is a letter in the original Spanish from Ms. Barcellos to her doctor in Lima, insisting that this practice is harmful, unethical, and must be stopped.

1. There is no medical reason to reduce the size of a large clitoris. Large clitorises do not cause illness or pain. The sole motivation for the surgery is the unproven belief that it may enhance psychological well-being. There is no medical reason to create or deepen a vagina in a pre-pubescent child. The sole motivation for such surgery is the unproven belief that it may ease parental discomfort now or that the decision would be traumatic for the patient to make later, so the surgery should be performed before she is able to participate in the decision.

2. The surgery is irreversible. Tissue removed from the clitoris can never be restored; scarring produced by surgery can never be undone. Setting potential and speculative "psychological" benefits aside, there no medical advantage or benefit to performing surgery now as opposed to later, when the child can make her own choice and when her gender identity is clearly established. "Surgery makes parents and doctors comfortable, but counseling makes people comfortable too, and it is not irreversible" (Schober 1998, p20).

There are, in fact, clear medical benefits to delaying the surgery. When she is grown, her genitals will be larger and thus easier for a surgeon to work on. One reason for poor surgical outcomes may be that scar tissue is negatively affected by the changes in size and shape that accompany normal growth and pubertal development; surgery performed after puberty would avoid that risk. It is likely that surgical techniques will have improved by the time she has grown; waiting will allow her to benefit from advances in technology.

There are many documented cases of people with her history who lived as adult women and were happy to keep their large clitoris intact, in some cases actually refusing surgery when it was offered (Fausto-Sterling 1993; Young 1937).

There is clear documentation that a significant fraction of children with her specific medical condition and history develop a male gender identity, and live as men during adulthood. If she lives as a man, she will be grateful that surgery was not performed without her consent.

Physicians in this case have asserted that the child can never live as a man, because her penis is never going to be sexually functional. But sexual function may mean different things to different people. The boy in the previous case, who was accidentally emasculated, chose to live as a man even though he had lost his penis. The men investigated in (Reilly and Woodhouse 1989) were able to have satisfying lives as men, with no impairment of sexual function, with small penises that would be judged "inadequate" according to the medical protocols used on intersex children. A small penis is capable of providing sexual arousal, genital pleasure, and orgasm. The video tape "I Am What I Feel To Be" (Fama Film A.G. 1997) presents interviews in Spanish with a number of people who were born as male pseudo hermaphrodites, raised female, and later changed to live as men. Both they and their partners describe their lives as sexually fulfilling, in spite of penises so small that they lived as girls until puberty (Fama Film A.G. 1997).




3. There is considerable evidence that genital surgery can cause harm, including such physical harm as scarring, chronic pain, chronic irritation, reduction of sexual sensation, and psychological harm. Indeed, apart from the harm specific to genital surgery, surgery is never without risk.

4. No significant data has been collected on long term outcomes. The belief that these surgeries provide any benefit at all is speculative and unexamined. Given the clear risk of harm, the Court is obligated to protect the child's human rights by declining to approve the surgery.

5. The very fact that the physicians in this case hesitate to perform surgery before operating indicates that they are aware that the surgery is risky and may cause immediate or future harm.

6. Surgeons argue that genital surgeries must be performed on intersex children in order to save them from feeling different from other children, or being marginalized by society. But many children grow up with physical differences which may cause them to be marginalized by society, yet we do not advocate using plastic surgery to eliminate all physical differences. For instance, children of racial minorities are often marginalized, teased, and even subject to violence. Yet few would condone using non-consensual plastic surgery during infancy to eliminate racial characteristics.

Prejudice against people with unusual genitals is culturally determined. Some cultures have high regard for people with intersex genitals (Herdt 1994; Roscoe 1987). As even Dr. Maria New, a pediatric endocrinologist who advocates early genital surgery, concedes, our own culture was much less prejudiced before medical intervention began. [During the European Middle Ages and Renaissance,] "Hermaphrodites were integrated quite forthrightly into the social fabric" (New and Kitzinger 1993, p10).

But some surgeons who advocate early genital surgery for intersex infants might consider surgical elimination of racial characteristics potentially acceptable. Dr. Kenneth Glassberg, a surgeon who heads the Urology Section of the American Academy of Pediatrics, was interviewed on the national television news show NBC Dateline. He said that it was unrealistic to ask people to be accepting of genital difference, because many people are unaccepting of racial difference (Dateline 1997). Yet the law addresses the problem of racism by trying to mitigate the power of racists to harm members of racial minorities, rather than by trying to eliminate the physical characteristics which mark members of racial minorities.

Likewise, in this case, if there is intolerance of physical difference, then the intolerance should not be addressed by using medically unnecessary, irreversible, potentially harmful plastic surgery to try to hide the physical difference without the patient's consent. This is particularly true for a physical difference that is not visible to others in the course of normal social interaction.

7. There is good evidence that adults would not choose clitoral surgery for themselves. Psychologist Dr. Suzanne Kessler has documented this by surveying college students (Kessler 1997). There are many adult intersex women who express regret and anger that genital surgery was imposed on them as children.

8. Worldwide medical thinking about surgical management of intersexuality has been strongly influenced by a case in which a boy whose penis was accidentally destroyed during circumcision, and who after being surgically reassigned and raised female, was reported to have had a successful adjustment. However, it is now known that, like the previous case of accidental emasculation which the Court is considering, the female reassignment was a disaster (Diamond and Sigmundson 1997a). The patient now lives once again as a man, and reconsideration of this case is causing experts to assert that early genital surgery requires the informed consent of the patient (1997b; Diamond and Sigmundson 1997b; Dreger 1998 forthcoming-a). "I recommend that genital reconstruction be delayed until the individual is competent to decide for himself or herself how this should best be fashioned" (Diamond 1996). "This damage [due to surgery] may be something a patient is willing to risk, but that is a choice he/she should be able to make for him/herself" (Fausto-Sterling and Laurent 1994, p10).

9. A safer alternative is clearly available, and is endorsed by credible experts.

Sex researcher Milton Diamond of the University of Hawaii Medical School and psychiatrist Keith Sigmundson of the University of British Columbia, based upon their research of intersex management, provide clear recommendations for how doctors can best serve intersex children. They recommend that the parents' emotional difficulties about their child's intersexuality be treated by providing counseling for the parents, that ongoing counseling and honest information be provided to the intersex child in age-appropriate fashion as she grows, and that early genital surgery be avoided because it is irreversible and potentially harmful. "[The parents] desire as to sex of assignment is secondary. The child remains the patient." "Most intersex conditions can remain without any surgery at all. A woman with a phallus can enjoy her hypertrophied clitoris and so can her partner. Women with [intersex conditions] who have smaller-than-usual vaginas can be advised to use pressure dilation to fashion one to facilitate coitus; a woman with [an intersex condition] likewise can enjoy a large clitoris." "As the child matures there must be opportunity for private counseling sessions ... the counseling should ideally be done by those trained in sexual/gender/intersex matters" (Diamond and Sigmundson 1997b) .

Pediatric urology surgeon Dr. Justine Schober, in her review of clitoral reduction and vaginoplasty, concludes that "Surgery must be based on truthful disclosure and support decision-making by parents and patient. . . . Our ethical duty as surgeons is to do no harm and to serve the best interests of the patient" (Schober 1998).

Narrative ethicist Dr. Alice Dreger recommends that intersex patients be allowed to choose surgery only with full informed consent of the patient, and that counseling and peer support be made available to parents, family, and patient (Dreger 1997b).

10. Given the fact that genital surgery is not medically necessary, that it is irreversible and potentially harmful, that there is growing controversy among medical intersex specialists, and that the child can always choose surgery later if she wishes, to impose surgery now would violate the first principle of medicine: "Primum, non nocerum" (First, do no harm).

11. Many of the factors which determined the Court's decision in the case of the emasculated boy apply in exactly the same way in the present case. Just as in that case, there is no urgency to perform the surgery as evidenced by the fact that three years have now passed since the diagnosis and without surgery. Just as in that case, the child is unable to give the informed consent which is necessary before such an important and life-altering decision can be made for her. Just as in the previous case, there is no proof that this surgery would provide any benefit at all.




12. BOTH THE NUREMBERG CODE AND BASIC PRINCIPLES OF HUMAN RIGHTS LAW PROHIBIT SUBJECTING A CHILD TO INVOLUNTARY, IRREVERSIBLE, AND MEDICALLY UNNECESSARY GENITAL SURGERIES.

The sole purpose of these surgeries is to enhance the long-term psychological well-being of the patient. Yet there is no evidence that they do enhance the long-term psychological well-being of the patient, there is no data which assures that they preserve sexual sensitivity and orgasmic function, and considerable data implies that they may actually harm the long-term psychological well-being of the patient. Therefore, although these surgeries have been performed for many years, with numerous refinements of technique, and are considered by many surgeons to be standard practice, in pragmatic terms they should be considered experimental techniques which must not be imposed without the patient's full informed consent.

The Charter and the Judgment of the International Military Tribunal (IMT), collectively titled the Nuremberg Code, carry the weight of binding international law. See History of the United Nations War Crimes Commission and the Development of the Laws of War (1948) and Affirmation of the Principles of International Law Recognized by the Charter of the Nuremberg Tribunal, 1946-1947 U.N.Y.B. 54, U.N. Sales No. 1947.I.18. The very first trials held by the IMT at Nuremberg concerned the use of medical practices on unwilling subjects. The medical trials at Nuremberg in 1947 deeply impressed upon the world that medical intervention on unconsenting human subjects is morally and legally repugnant.

The Tribunal classified the commission of experimental medical practices without the consent of the patient both as war crimes and as crimes against humanity. See History of the United Nations War Crimes Commission and the Development of the Laws of War 333-334 (1948). The first principle of the Nuremberg Code provides the patient/subject with the right of informed consent: "The voluntary consent of the human subject is absolutely essential. This means that the peson involved should have legal capacity to give consent; should be so situtated as to be able to exercise free power of choice, without the intervention of any element of force, fraud, deceit, duress, over-reaching, or other ulterior form of constraint of coercion; and should have sufficient knowledge and comprehension of the elements of the subject matter involved as to enable him to make an understanding and enlightened decision." 2 Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuremberg Military Tribunals under Control Council Law No. 10, at 181-82 (1949). See also the Helsinki Declaration, adopted by the World Medical Association in 1964 (recognizing the principle of informed consent and the right to be free from involuntary medical intervention.)

The prohibition on involuntary medical intervention and the requirement of informed consent are absolute; the Nuremberg Code governs therapeutic research that is intended to directly benefit or provide effective medical therapy for the research subjects, as well as nontherapeutic research concerned with the discovery of data. (See previous citation.)

The Nuremberg Code prohibits involuntary surgical procedures designed to alter the genitals of a six year old child for purely esthetic as opposed to medically necessary reasons. As discussed in more detail in the preceding sections, these surgeries are plainly experimental: (1) They are not medically necessary to alleviate pain or any physiological dysfunction. (2) There is no medical consensus that these procedures are advisable or beneficial. On the contrary, there is growing concern over the efficacy and ethics of these procedures among medical experts in many fields. (3) There are no outcome studies to support the hypothesis that these painful, invasive, and irreversible surgical procedures result in any psychosocial benefit to the child or enhance the child's well-being in any way. Conversely, an increasing number of adults who were forced to undergo these procedures as children are coming forward to report profound physical and psychological harm, including pain, scarring, urological problems, loss of sexual sensation and functioning, and severe emotional trauma. (See Declaration of Lisset Barcellos Cardenas.)

The fundamental human right to be free of involuntary medical experimentation is especially clear and compelling under the circumstances of this case, which involves a six year old child who is incapable of providing informed consent. Although parents have the right to consent to medical treatments on behalf of a minor child under ordinary circumstances, this right does not apply (1) when the medical treatment is not necessary to alleviate illness or pain; (2) when the only rationale for the treatment is speculative and purely psychosocial, i.e., to alleviate the possibility of social stigma by physically altering a child's genitals to more closely conform to a cultural stereotype or ideal; (3) when the procedures involved are irreversible, painful, and may result in profound physical and/or emotional harm; and (4) where the irreversible outcome of the procedures will deprive the child of her right to determine her own sexual identity when she is old enough to choose.

It is repugnant and contrary to a child's basic human rights to allow a parent to consent to medically unnecessary genital surgery for the purpose of dictating the child's future gender identity or of altering the child's body to conform to an idealized cultural notion of "normal" genital appearance. This principle has been established in the analogous context of female genital mutilation, where a wide variety of human rights authorities and organizations have determined that involuntary genital surgery performed on female children violates basic human rights to bodily integrity and personal dignity and autonomy. See Amnesty International, Women's Rights are Human Rights (1995).

Many human rights bodies have condemned female genital mutilation, defined as the removal of all or part of the clitoris, inner labia, or outer labia. "Feminizing genital surgery" reduces the size of the clitoris by removing parts of the clitoris. (An earlier surgical technique which buried the clitoris has been abandoned because it results in pain upon genital arousal.) Clitoral reduction surgery is thus clearly covered by the definition of female genital mutilation. Female genital mutilation has been condemned by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, UNICEF, the World Medical Association, the World Health Organization, the 1993 United Nations World Conference on Human Rights, and numerous non-governmental organizations. See especially the Minority Rights Group International, Female Genital Mutilation: Proposals for Change (1992): "While an adult woman is quite free to submit herself to a ritual or tradition, a child has no formed judgment and does not consent, but simply undergoes the operation while she is totally vulnerable."




There is no guarantee that the child will have a female gender identity as an adult. As discussed above, a significant fraction of children with her specific medical condition and history have a male gender identity as adults. If the child grows up to have a male gender identity, then the surgeries that the doctors seek to perform will have been a terrible mistake. Moreover, even if her adult gender identity is female, there is no guarantee that she will not regret any genital surgeries that were performed without her consent as a child especially given the uncertain outcome of current surgical techniques. Given the deeply personal and irreversible nature of genital surgeries, the child herself is the only person who has the right to weigh the risks and to decide what kind of genital alterations, if any, she would like to undergo.

Parents have considerable legal control over their children, but they do not have the right to disregard the child's intrinsic human rights to privacy, dignity, autonomy, and physical integrity by altering a child's genitals through irreversible surgeries based on an unproven and controversial psychosocial rationale. See, for example, the American Convention on Human Rights, Article 1 (stating that "every human being" is entitled to the rights and freedoms recognized in the Convention); Article 5 (recognizing the right to "physical, mental, and moral integrity"); Article 11 (recognizing the right to privacy); and Article 19 (stating that "every minor child has the right to the measures of protection required by his condition as a minor on the part of his family, society, and the state"). See, for example, United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (signed by Colombia 26 January 1990, ratified 28 January 1991), Article 19 (requiring all states "to protect the child from all forms of physical or mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation . . . while in the care of parent(s), legal guardian(s) or any other person who has the care of the child"); and Article 37 (requiring all states to ensure that "no child shall be subjected to torture or other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment").

Summary

Therefore, we urge the Court not to approve the surgery, as a violation of the child's human rights as previously ruled by this Court and as guaranteed by international law, and specifically not to indemnify physicians against liability for what they obviously regard as a questionable procedure with a significant likelihood of resulting in regret, anger, and motivation to seek legal redress as the patient grows up and is able to take legal action on her own behalf.

Yours Truly,

Cheryl Chase
Executive Director, ISNA

PS: You specifically asked for a copy of the article "The Five Sexes," by Dr. Anne Fausto-Sterling. I have enclosed that article, but I would like to emphasize that, though the article is titled "Five Sexes," neither Dr. Fausto-Sterling nor I nor ISNA is suggesting that there are actually five sexes. Dr. Fausto-Sterling and ISNA support the recommendations of (Diamond and Sigmundson 1997b). In the current case, those recommendations indicate that the child should continue to be raised as a girl, but that no genital surgery be done unless at her own initiative and with her informed consent.

Appendix A

 

Feminizing Genital Surgery is Medically Unnecessary

 

"Our needs and the needs of the parents to have a presentable child can be satisfied. We argue that surgery in an infant maximizes a child's social adjustment and acceptance by the family. But do we truly realize and promote the best interest of the adult patient in terms of psychosocial outcomes? This knowledge is still obscure and much remains to be discovered" (Schober 1998, p19).

"The only indication for performing this surgery [clitoral reduction] has been to improve the body image of these children so that they feel 'more normal'" (Edgerton 1993).

"Scientific dogma has held fast to the assumption that without medical care hermaphrodites are doomed to a life of misery. Yet there are few empirical studies to back up that assumption, and some of the same research gathered to build a case for medical treatment contradicts it" (Fausto-Sterling 1993).

"The major justification for early surgery is the belief that children will suffer terrible psychological damage if they and those around them are not crystal clear about which sex they belong to. Surgically altering ambiguous genitalia is seen as an important component of clarifying the situation initially for family and friends, and as the child becomes conscious of his or her surroundings, for the child as well" (Fausto-Sterling and Laurent 1994, p8).

Hopkins surgeons justify early genital surgery because it "relieves parental anxiety about the child with relatives and friends" (Oesterling, Gearhart, and Jeffs 1987, p1081).

"For a small infant, the initial objective is to feminize the baby to make it acceptable to the parents and family" (Hendren and Atala 1995, p94).

"Although gender assignment by genital surgery reassures adults, it does not necessarily require surgery, based on anecdotal reports of untreated patients" (Drescher 1997).

<hrdata-mce-alt="Page 5" class="system-pagebreak" title="Feminizing Genital Surgery" />

Appendix B

Long Term Outcomes of Feminizing Genital Surgery are Unknown

These surgeries have been widely practiced since the late 1950s. During that time there has been a disturbing lack of follow-up. Because it is not known whether these surgeries enhance psychological well-being, which is their sole legitimate purpose, these surgeries must be considered experimental.

In her forthcoming review of feminizing genital surgeries, pediatric urological surgeon Dr. Justine Schober notes that, "The psychosocial long-term outcomes represent the most necessary information to determine if we are successful in treating intersexual patients. However, in conditions other than congenital adrenal hyperplasia, outcomes are generally unavailable" (Schober 1998, p20).

In a forthcoming book, Dr. Suzanne Kessler, professor of Psychology at the State University of New York at Purchase, presents results from her ten year investigation of medical management of intersexuality. She notes that "Surprisingly, in spite of the thousands of genital operations performed every year, there are no meta-analyses from within the medical community on levels of success." "Even recent reports are susceptible to a criticism about vagueness: The clitoroplasty is a `relatively simple procedure that gave very good cosmetic results . . . and quite satisfactory results.' The reader searches in vain for any assessment by which that was determined." "In none of the follow-up studies is there any indication that a criterion for success includes the intersexed adult's reflection on his or her surgery" (Kessler 1998 forthcoming, p106-7).

Dr. William Reiner, who switched in mid-career from urological surgeon to pediatric psychiatrist, notes that "Past decisions about gender identity and sex reassignment when genitalia are greatly abnormal have by necessity occurred in a relative vacuum because of inadequate scientific data" (Reiner 1997a, p224).

Brown University Professor of Medicine Dr. Anne Fausto-Sterling, in her review of every case study located (in English, French, and German) on feminizing genital surgeries from the 1950s through 1994, concludes that "these standard treatment procedures are not based in careful clinical analysis"(Fausto-Sterling and Laurent 1994, p1).

"Long term results of operations that eliminate erectile tissue [that is, clitoral reduction surgery] are yet to be systematically evaluated" (Newman, Randolph, and Parson 1992).

Pediatric urologist Dr. David Thomas of the University of Leeds, addressing the American Academy of Pediatrics in late 1996, noted that very few studies have been done to gauge the long-term results of early feminizing surgery, and the psychological issues "are poorly researched and understood" (1997a).

Hopkins Pediatric urological surgeon Robert Jeffs, reacting to picketers demonstrating against early genital surgeries at a 1996 Boston meeting of the American Academy of Pediatrics, conceded to a journalist that he has no way of knowing what happens to patients after he performs surgery on them. "Whether they are silent and happy or silent and unhappy, I don't know" (Barry 1996).

"Although these procedures have been performed for decades, no controlled studies have compared the adaptations of children who had surgery to those who did not. Anecdotal reports [that is, reports of former patients including intersex activists] carry much weight in an area in which data on long-term outcomes are sparse" (Drescher 1997).

The very fact that, in the current case, physicians hesitate to proceed without the approval of the Court, is evidence that they consider the procedure risky and likely to motivate the patient to later litigation.

Appendix C

Feminizing Genital Surgery Can Cause Harm

There is a wealth of evidence that these surgeries can cause profound physical and emotional harm.

See the attached Declaration of Lisset Barcellos Cardenas, which describes reduced sexual sensation, chronic irritation and bleeding, and abnormal appearance after cosmetic genital surgery imposed without her consent in Lima Peru in approximately 1981. Ms. Barcellos would be happy to address the Court, in her native Spanish, on the ways in which surgery has decreased her quality of life and her belief that these surgeries should never be imposed on unconsenting children.

Dr. Anne Fausto-Sterling documents scarring, pain, multiple surgeries, and patient or parental refusal of additional surgeries as evidence that surgery does actual harm (Fausto-Sterling and Laurent 1994,p5).

In a recent review of a dozen girls aged 11 to 15 who had undergone clitoroplasty and vaginoplasty, Dr. David Thomas concluded "The results are indifferent and, frankly, disappointing" with reconstructions showing visibly different appearance from the original cosmetic result, clitorises withered and obviously nonfunctional, and "every girl required some additional vaginal surgery"(1997a).

Angela Moreno, who was subjected to modern clitoroplasty by experienced surgeons in 1985, recounts that the surgery destroyed her orgasmic function (Chase 1997, p12).

"Surgical reduction of an enlarged clitoris can at times damage sensation and thus reduce orgasmic potential and genital pleasure and, like ablation of the testes, is irreversible" (Reiner 1997b, p1045).

"Aside from reducing potential adult genital sensitivity, [clitoral reductions] neglect the significance of any behavioral or psychological predisposition toward the individual's own preferred sexual identity or gender roles" (Diamond 1996, p143).

Sex therapist Dr. H. Martin Malin discusses patients who had been subjected to early genital surgeries. "[their conditions, such as micropenis or clitoral hypertrophy] were not life-threatening or seriously debilitating. . . . [T]hey were told that they had vaginoplasties or clitorectomies because of the serious psychological consequences they would have suffered if surgery had not been done. But the surgeries had been performed and they were reporting long-standing psychological distress" quoted in (Schober 1998).

"[S]urgery not only risked problems in psychological adjustment, but also can permanently damage the individual's ability to achieve orgasmic sexual function. This damage may be something a patient is willing to risk, but that is a choice he/she should be able to make for him/herself" (Fausto-Sterling and Laurent 1994, p10).

Hopkins surgeons Oesterling, Gearhart, et al have recently acknowledged in the Journal of Urology that the most modern clitoral surgery "does not guarantee normal adult sexual function" (Chase 1996).

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Appendix D

Women can be well adjusted with large clitorises

There is no evidence that these surgeries are required for healthy psychosocial development. Indeed, there are many counterexamples, of people who lived or are living happily without surgery.

Historian Alice Dreger has documented many male pseudo hermaphrodites who lived happily as women during the 19th century with atypical genitals intact (Dreger 1998 forthcoming-b).

Anne Fausto-Sterling documents 70 cases of children who grew up with ambiguous genitalia, most of whom seem to have developed ways of coping with their anatomical difference (Fausto-Sterling and Laurent 1994).

Hopkins surgeon Hugh Hampton Young documents a number of women with large clitorises who were sexually active and who rejected his offers of surgical correction (Fausto-Sterling 1993; Young 1937).

The video, Hermaphrodites Speak!, contains an interview (at 24:35 on the tape) with Hida Viloria, a young woman who discusses in a video interview how happy she is to have been able to keep her large clitoris intact (ISNA 1997).

Eli Nevada also discusses her relief at having escaped genital surgery (Nevada 1995).

"Despite a large clitoris [this patient] does not wish any [surgical] modifications to be made" (Patil and Hixson 1992).

Appendix E

Some male intersexuals raised female switch to male sex role

There is evidence that some male pseudo-hermaphrodites, even if raised female, even if subjected to genital surgery, and in spite of having an "inadequate" penis, will change sex role during adolescence or early adulthood, living as men rather than as women.

Money found that three (10%) of 23 patients who were male pseudo- hermaphrodites raised female switched to living as men as adults (Money, Devore, and Norman 1986). Dr. Howard Devore, a co-author of this study, is a clinical psychotherapist with extensive experience in assisting intersexual patients and parents of intersexual children. Dr. Devore is an outspoken opponent of early genital surgery and a member of ISNA's advisory board.

"In fact, present data is increasing that despite great care in rearing these [male pseudo hermaphrodites] as females, some, or perhaps many of them, have strong male tendencies or may even change their assigned sex when they reach 12 to 14 years of age" (Reiner 1997a, p224). Dr. Reiner is engaged in a prospective investigation of fifteen male pseudo hermaphrodites assigned and raised female, with early genital surgery. To date, two out of the seven who have reached adolescence have declared themselves male. The other eight are too young yet for any assessment (1997b). Reiner reports a similar case, without prospective investigation, in (Reiner 1996).

Even female pseudo-hermaphrodites assigned and reared female, with early genital surgery, are considerably likely to switch to living as men as adults (Meyer-Bahlburg et al. 1996).

The video tape "I Am What I Feel To Be" (Fama Film A.G. 1997) presents interviews in Spanish with a number of people who were born as male pseudo hermaphrodites, raised female, and later switched to live as men (Fama Film A.G. 1997).

Appendix F

Men can be well adjusted with small penises

Surgeons Justine Schober M.D. (neé Reilly) and C R J Woodhouse M.D. interviewed 20 patients who were diagnosed in infancy with micropenis. Twelve of these patients were adults (17 years of age or older) at the time of the interview. All had stretched penis length smaller than the 10th percentile one was only 4 cm (erect penis length cannot exceed stretched flaccid penis length). "The group appears to form close and long-lasting relationships. They often attribute partner sexual satisfaction and the stability of their relationships to their need to make extra effort including nonpenetrating techniques. . . . The small penis has not deferred them from a male sexual role. [Nine of twelve of the adult patients] are already sexually active. . . . Vaginal penetration usually is possible but adjustment of position or technique may be necessary. . . . Two main conclusions may be drawn from our series: a small penis does not preclude normal male role and a micropenis or microphallus alone should not dictate a female gender assignment in infancy" (Reilly and Woodhouse 1989).

"My own experience is that men with the smallest and most deformed penis can have a satisfying relationship with their partner" (Woodhouse 1994).

The video tape "I Am What I Feel To Be" (Fama Film A.G. 1997) presents interviews in Spanish with a number of people who were born as male pseudo hermaphrodites, raised female, and later changed to live as men. Both they and their partners describe their lives as sexually fulfilling, in spite of penises so small that until puberty they were considered to be girls (Fama Film A.G. 1997).




Appendix G

Most adult women would not choose clitoral surgery for themselves

Dr. Suzanne Kessler, professor of psychology at the State University of New York, surveyed college women on their feelings about clitoral surgery.

The women were asked: "Suppose you had been born with a larger than normal clitoris and it would remain larger than normal as you grew to adulthood. Assuming that the physicians recommended surgically reducing your clitoris, under what circumstances would you have wanted your parents to give them permission to do it?" ... All the subjects were shown a scale with the normal ranges for clitorises and penises demonstrated in actual size, and labeled in centimeters..."

"About a fourth of the women indicated they would not have wanted a clitoral reduction under any circumstance. About half would have wanted their clitoris reduced only if the larger than normal clitoris caused health problems. Size, for them, was not a factor. The remaining fourth of the sample could imagine wanting their clitoris reduced if it were larger than normal, but only if having the surgery would not have resulted in a reduction in pleasurable sensitivity. Only one woman mentioned that other people's comments about the size of her clitoris might be a factor in her decision" (Kessler 1997, p35).

There is a wealth of literature available in which adults who were subjected to non-consensual cosmetic genital surgery as children express grief over the physical and emotional suffering caused by the surgery, and anger toward doctors who performed the surgery and parents who gave permission (Chase 1997; ISNA 1997). To date, no adult has come forth to say that she was grateful for having had this surgery performed without her consent.

Appendix H

Response to Doctors' Questions

1. Our recommendations are informed by academic research.

For example, our recommendations are in concordance with those of the following respected academic researchers:

Justine Schober M.D.
Pediatric Urologist
Hamot Medical Center

Anne Fausto-Sterling Ph.D.
Professor of Medical Science
Brown University

Milton Diamond Ph.D.
Professor of Psychology
University of Hawaii School of Medicine

Kieth Sigmundson M.D.
Department of Psychiatry
University of British Columbia

Suzanne Kessler Ph.D.
Professor of Psychology
State University of New York at Purchase

Alice Dreger Ph.D.
Adjunct Professor
Center for Ethics
Michigan State University

Howard Devore Ph.D.
Life Clinical Fellow
American Academy of Clinical Sexologists

2. ISNA performs research.

We are currently engaged, with the assistance of Aron Sousa, M.D. and Justine Schober, M.D., in a project which will use the new "Evidence Based Medicine" methodology to analyze all available published outcome data on intersex medical interventions. We are also engaged in a project, with the assistance of Justine Schober, M.D., to gauge the psychological adjustment of intersex adults, using a structured survey instrument.

 




3. Our recommendations are not based only upon technical limitations of older surgeries.

There is no evidence that "newer" surgeries preserve sensation or function. Indeed, because the surgery involves deep dissection and removal of highly innervated and vascular tissue, it is literally impossible for sensation to be unaffected. Outcome data from surgeries using similar microsurgical techniques for reconstruction after trauma in adults (for example, facial reconstruction, or transfer of a toe to replace an amputated finger) indicate that sensation is typically greatly reduced, but may be altered in character, or even painful.

Several people have come forward, whose surgery was performed during adolescence, and who are now young adults. Thus, they provide good information about surgical outcomes of only a decade ago. They report that surgery either greatly reduced or eliminated clitoral sensation, or left them with chronic pain. In some cases the pain did not develop until many years later.

Surgery inflicts emotional harm, by legitimating the idea that the child is not lovable unless "fixed" with plastic surgery that is medically unnecessary and carries great risks. Some individuals subjected to old style clitorectomy surgery were lucky enough to retain sensation. They find themselves no less emotionally harmed by the surgery. For examples, see (Coventry 1997; Coventry 1998; Holmes 1997) and the letter from Lisset Barcellos Cardenas to her physician in Lima.

Surgeons claiming to be developing the newest techniques concede that they have no proof that surgery does not damage sexual function. The published response of authors Oesterling, Gearhart, and Jeffs to (Chase 1996) concedes that their technique "does not guarantee normal adult sexual function."

There is even some evidence that the newer surgeries may be more harmful than the older ones. All of the cases of chronic genital pain that we are aware of are in patients who were subjected to "modern clitoroplasty" rather than older style clitorectomy.

4. Our recommendations represent the views of a large number of intersex people and the growing consensus of professionals in many disciplines.

ISNA maintains a mailing list currently numbering 1000 people. Of those, approximately 250 have told us that they, or a child, or a spouse is intersexed.

In the past several years there has been a world-wide explosion of intersex activism, with groups representing both intersex people and parents of intersex patients in many countries. See the Fall 1997 issue of the newsletter Hermaphrodites with Attitude for news from intersex patient-advocacy movements in New Zealand and Japan. The following are among the intersex patient-advocacy groups which criticize current medical protocols:

Intersex Society of North America

Ambiguous Genitalia Support Network (USA)

Hermaphrodite Education and Listening Post (USA)

Middlesex Group (USA)

Androgen Insensitivity Support Group (USA, UK, Canada, Germany, Holland, Australia)

Congenital Adrenal Hyperplasia Support Network (USA)

Intersex Society of Canada

Intersex Society of New Zealand

Peer Support for Intersexuals PESFIS (Japan)

Genital Mutilation Survivor's Support Network (Germany)

Workgroup on Violence in Pediatrics and Gynecology (Germany)

5. To date, no intersex person who was subjected to early surgery has come forth to say that the views expressed by these intersex patient advocacy groups are not representative, or to say that they believe genital surgery should be performed on intersex children.

6. Surgery cannot prevent psychological problems.

Indeed, in many cases it is clear that surgery itself is the cause of psychological problems. However, even if there were some former patients who felt that they were helped by early genital surgery, we would still argue that non-consensual genital surgery on infants is unethical, because so many people are harmed.

 




7. Surgery does not provide "normal" looking genitals.

In a recent review of a dozen girls aged 11 to 15 who had undergone clitoroplasty and vaginoplasty, Dr. David Thomas concluded "The results are indifferent and, frankly, disappointing" with reconstructions showing visibly different appearance from the original cosmetic result, clitorises withered and obviously nonfunctional, and "every girl required some additional vaginal surgery." (1997a; Scheck 1997). Even surgeries performed by leading experts had poor outcomes: "Dr. Thomas pointed out that 70% of the original surgeries had been performed by full-time pediatric urologists in three specialist centers" (1997a).

8. Surgery does not prevent emotional suffering.

In fact, there is evidence that it causes emotional suffering. "Many intersexuals report that the very treatments designed to prevent them from feeling like shameful freaks are in fact causing them to feel that way" (Dreger 1997a). "Children born as intersexes face psychological difficulties no matter what treatment choice is made, and sophisticated on-going counseling for both parent and child must certainly become, where it is not already, the central component of the treatment process" (Fausto-Sterling and Laurent 1994, p 8).

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APA Reference
Staff, H. (2007, August 9). Genital Surgery On Intersexed Children, HealthyPlace. Retrieved on 2024, October 1 from https://www.healthyplace.com/gender/inside-intersexuality/genital-surgery-on-intersexed-children

Last Updated: March 15, 2016